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                  [5]  OUT OF THEIR OWN MOUTHS* [Editor:  This is the continuation of Clarke’s report on the topic of This Leadership — to be understood as “This is What Their Supposed ‘Leadership’ Turns Out to be Like in Practice” — that I split in two because of its length.  The original article appeared in the “Australasian Seamen’s Journal” of 25 September 1935, starting page 3.] 

Seamens Journal, 25 Sept. 1935, wrote:

THIS LEADERSHIP (Continuation)Out of Their Own MouthsEvery dispute that occurs brings an invasion of outsiders who interfere in the internal affairs of the Unions.  Nobody objects to interference, even when unsought, if it has no detrimental effects on the organisation.But the history of the Minority Movement and the Communist Party is a record of self-admitted errors inflicting incalculable harm on Trade Unions.This can be proved by excerpts from the communist publications, and we recommend a close study of the following to members.Speaking of the part it played in the Timber Workers’ strike in 1930, the Communist Party newspaper “Worker’s Weekly” (10 Jan 1930) said “The Minority Report disclosed many errors (of the M.M.) in the conduct of the Timber dispute”.Coal Lockout.  The “Worker’s Weekly” (10 Jan 1930): “The C.C.¹ and the members in the area were unable to respond in the manner demanded by the conditions.  The Minority Report does contain INACCURACIES”.And while we were all being told that the Communist Party was the one revolutionary party leading the workers to victory, the “Worker’s Weekly” let the cat out of the bag with the following: “The Whole Party Has Been Off the Revolutionary Line”.In the “Worker’s Weekly” for May 1st 1931 [May Day], we were told: “The Minority Movement in the Bradford strike² simply duplicated the work of the Communist Party, and consequently was unable to fulfil its function.  In America similar errors were made”.And, while boasting of their leadership of the masses, the following lamentable admission was made on 27/11/1931: “We have FAILED IN EVERY INSTANCE to put our theories into practice”.Two months afterwards, in the January 18th 1932 issue, we find this brazen confession of inefficiency, to say nothing of the stupidity contained in the par[agraph]: “The work of the [Communist] Party in the Trade Unions, the Minority Movement, and the Unemployed Movement is conducted in an aimless, unorganized fashion, and the fractions generally are extremely inefficient and badly organised”.Another confession contained in the “Worker’s Weekly” for January 29th 1932, in which the seamen are specially referred to, reads thus: “We are organisationally incapable of supplying leadership in the struggles — Seamen, railway men, etc.”Similar admissions were being made in England, and they give us an insight into the idiotic intrigues carried on by the Communists against Trade Unions.Here is a political peach [sic] from the “Daily Worker”, January 25th 1932: “We have brought forward demands which have been worked out in the Party rooms by a few Communists, and many times BY COMMUNISTS WHO HAVE NOT THE FAINTEST CONTACT OR KNOWLEDGE OF THE INDUSTRY in which the strikes are taking place”. “WE SET UP RANK AND FILE COMMITTEES, WHICH ARE COMPOSED OF OURSELVES, DESTITUTE OF REPRESENTATIVE AUTHORITY, AND WHICH ONLY SUCCEED IN DEGRADING THE CONCEPTION OF WHAT A RANK AND FILE STRIKE COMMITTEE OUGHT TO BE”. “We are slow to learn from our mistakes, and there is a rich experience to learn from”.We most heartily concur with the last sentence, but we ask readers to ponder specially over this whole quotation.Similar hypocritical confessions were made in connection with the Fellmongerers’ Strike, 1933; the Lithgow [NSW] State [Coal] Mine Dispute, 1932, etc.And finally, speaking with regard to the Communist Party and Minority Movement, Losovsky,³ R.I.L.U., of Russia, said: “Our Party and the Minority Movement are not INSIDE the struggle, but come into it from outside”. … “Many functionaries of the Minority Movement vote for resolutions [which purport to be for democratic] independent leadership, but do not wish to put this into practice. THIS IS THE WORST FORM OF CREEPING OPPORTUNISM IN PRACTICE”.     (Emphasis ours [W.J.C].)So there we get it, right from the fountainhead. ConclusionFrom out of their own mouths these self-styled leaders of the workers are condemned.  We have not gone outside of their own publications for this indictment of their activities.Yet these individuals claim to be revolutionaries;  they profess to have the interests of the working class at heart.They have muddled up everything they touched and disrupted every movement they get into, whether they enter legitimately or by the back door;  whether they enter openly as Communists or surreptitiously sneak in under some other pseudonym.Knowing them as we do, and having experienced their malicious and lying tactics, we name them for what they are — MIS-LEADERS OF THE WORKING CLASS.Readers may ask:  Why then, in face of this anti-working-class record, does the government take action against them [since they do the Government’s dirty work, leaving its own hands clean]?  We do not know.We do know the Government is no friend of the workers, but apparently the Government wants a scapegoat.  If the Government is taking action against the Communist Party because it believes the Communist Party is revolutionary, the Government is making a mistake.THE COMMUNIST PARTY IS NOT REVOLUTIONARY and THE MINORITY MOVEMENT DOES NOT LEAD the workers.The workers must fight the everyday struggle in which we strive for the most we can get.⁴   In the political struggle, we want the world for the workers, and this can be achieved by the workers organising for the conquest of political power which will give them control of the State forces.  With this power and these forces, we can determine how we shall live our lives without dictation or domination from the capitalist class.We ask members to read again the list of quotations from the “Worker’s Weekly” concerning the minority Movement, and judge for yourselves whether this is the sort of “leadership” you desire.  Whatever you want will not come through leaders — it all depends on intelligent action by yourselves expressed through those who happen to be your [democratically elected] mouth-pieces at the time.W.J.C

 ↩ [Table of Contents] Editor’s Notes* The article argues against all working class leadership, but its title refers ironically to the insidiously damaging Communist mis-leadership variety — If This is Their Kind of ‘Leadership’ They can Stick It!  It is a defence of Union affairs being controlled by the Union itself, i.e. democratically by all members of the Union.  Its penultimate paragraph hints more generally at the democratic Object of the SPGB. ↩ [Back]¹ C.C.  to come. ↩ [Back]² Bradford strike.  to come. ↩ [Back]³ A. Losovsky.  General Secretary of the R.I.L.U. [Red International of Labour Unions] or Profintern. ↩ [Back]⁴ From here to the end of the paragraph, Clarke states the SPGB case, as adhered to by the [World] Socialist Party of Australia, of which Johnson, Casey and Clarke were life-long members.  It is the only instance of a hint of the Party case intruding into Clarke’s Union journalism; and if this situation of exposing deliberate Communist sabotage of the Seamen’s Union didn’t warrant Clarke’s countering the corrosive case of the Communist leadership that fueled the sabotage, then nothing ever would. ↩ [Back] ↩ [Table of Contents] THE 1935 AUSTRALIAN SEAMEN’S STRIKE — Installment 5

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    [7] THE “AORANGI” LETTER —       VANCOUVER LONGSHOREMEN’S STRIKE [Throughout this time, the Minority Movement attempted to embroil the Seamen’s Union of Australia in a Canadian local lock-out–strike, which it soon became apparent involved a company-formed Union fighting the Shipping Federation that formed, and effectively controlled, it.][The General Secretary of the Seamen’s Union of Australia, Jacob Johnson, explained the situation in the “Seamen’s Journal” [August 1935] as follows:]

Seamans Journal, Jacob Johnson wrote:

      Vancouver Longshoremen’s Strike     The “Aorangi” Crew and     [the  Communist] “Marine Worker” On June 17 we received from the crew of the “Aorangi”—this vessel being then at Vancouver—the following cable ¹:—“JOHNSON, [AND] HERBERT, SEAMEN’S UNION, SYDNEY.— SECTIONAL STRIKE [HAS BEEN] DECLARED BY VANCOUVER LONGSHOREMEN [STOP] THEIR MEMBERS [ARE] WORKING SHIPS EVERYWHERE ELSE [STOP] NO OTHER UNIONS [ARE] TAKING ACTION [TO] SUPPORT [THE] LONGSHOREMEN’S UNION [STOP] NON-UNION LONGSHOREMEN LABOUR [IS] WORKING [THE] ‘AORANGI’ [STOP] ‘AORANGI’ CREW [IN] ALL DEPARTMENTS [HAVE] DECIDED TO CARRY ON ALL DUTIES PENDING IMMEDIATE ADVICE AND INSTRUCTIONS FROM YOU [STOP] ALL OTHER MARINE UNIONS, SYDNEY, [ARE] ALSO RECEIVING THIS COMMUNICATION FOR ADVICE AND INSTRUCTION.—SANDERSON, [AND] BROWN, [SHIP’S] DELEGATES.” [Joint Response]Upon receipt of this information, we immediately communicated with the Secretaries of the Marine Stewards’ and the Cooks’ Unions, for the purpose of considering a joint reply.Mr Moate, of the Marine Stewards’ Union, informed us that he had already replied [to the “Aorangi” crew], advising his members not to be involved in the dispute.After giving the matter mature consideration, Mr Herbert (Sydney Branch [of the Seamen’s Union]), Mr Tudehope (Cooks’ Union), and myself [Jacob Johnson] decided to send the following joint reply:— “[IN] VIEW OF [THE] VAGUE NATURE OF [THE] DISPUTE [IT IS] DIFFICULT TO ADVISE WHETHER [THIS] SECTIONAL STRIKE SHOULD BE SUPPORTED [STOP] SUGGEST YOU INTERVIEW EXECUTIVE [OF] LONGSHOREMEN WITH OBJECT [OF] RENDERING ASSISTANCE WITHOUT AFFECTING YOUR LEGAL POSITION REGARDING SHIP’S ARTICLES AND MONEYS ALREADY EARNED.” [Seamen’s Union Special Meeting]At the [Seamen’s Union] New South Wales Branch, June Stop-work Meeting,² members decided that a special meeting of the Branch should be convened upon the return [to Sydney] of the “Aorangi” to hear a report from the crew relative to the Vancouver Longshoremen’s dispute.  This meeting was held on July 16, at which the report from the crew of the “Aorangi” was tendered. [A Company Union]Up to the time of this report, we had no reliable source of information beyond that which was contained in the cable¹.Rumour had it that the Vancouver Longshoremen’s Union, then on strike, was an Employers’ Union.  Doubt which existed on this point is now entirely dispelled, and we are indebted to the crew of the “Aorangi” for this information.To publish the whole of their typewritten report would by far exceed my allotted space in the “Journal”; hence we publish and confine our remarks to that portion of the report [that relates to the Vancouver Longshoremen’s Union] in order that members may fairly judge the action of the crew of the “Aorangi” and the [caustic] attitude of the [Communist newspaper] the “Marine Worker” towards me, bearing in mind the judgement hinges on the question of ³whether or not the Vancouver Longshoremen’s Union is a bona-fide Union, in keeping with Trades Union movement traditions,or merely a body formed and sustained by the employers, who for twelve long years have engaged in anti-working-class activities almost unparalleled in the history of the Trade Union movement. The Crew’s Report[Here follows the section of the crew’s report that deals with the Vancouver Longshoremen’s Union.]

Report of the Aorangi Crew wrote:

“The Longshoremen’s Union of Canada, Vancouver, B.C., was organised and launched by the Shipping Federation in 1923, and operated against the bona-fide Union of Water Transport Workers then on strike, called and operating throughout the whole of the United States and extended to Canada, affecting the Water Transport Industry at Victoria [B.C.], New Westminster, Vancouver, and several other ports in British Columbia.The Company Union (Vancouver Longshoremen’s Union of Canada) [has] continued in existence [solely] by privilege of the Shipping Federation having absolute monopoly of [allocating] the work, right up until June 4, 1935.Their [Union] office and despatch premises [were] being supplied and maintained by the Shipping Federation, and no new members [were] possible for admission to the Union without first the sanction of Federation officials.  In fact, [it was a] closed membership operating up to the date of lock-out, June 4, 1935.On the same premises and immediately underneath [the Union office], the Shipping Federation also operated and maintained [its own Industry] premises to handle and despatch labour, [both when] occasionally required in the Industry, and [also] when the membership of the Longshoremen’s Union [on the floor] above [them] fell short of [company] requirements.This [cosy] practice was mutual as between the Shipping Federation and the Longshoremen’s Union, and [it had been] indulged in right up to the time of the lock-out, notwithstanding the Longshoremen’s Union of Canada having entered into and secured a new arrangement of working conditions, rules, etc., in October, 1934 [affecting all Canadian longshoremen].The Union as a body in the early part of 1935 refused to assist, by strike action, the appeal by San Francisco and California Marine Workers then engaged in a general strike⁴ (and extending to all Pacific and North American Ports), directed against the shipping interests’ attempts to enforce Company control, and conditioned Union throughout the Pacific Coast.”

[An “Aorangi” Crewman’s Letter]In addition to the foregoing, “here is the strikers’ case as I understand it”, writes one of the “Aorangi” to one of his friends aboard the “Niagara” in a letter dated June 23, 1935: “In the 1923 Vancouver Longshoremen’s Strike, the bona-fide Trade Union [the Union of Water Transport Workers] was smashed and its members starved off the waterfront by a new [i.e. a strike-breaking, or “scab”] organisation formed for the purpose.  After completing its dirty work, [the scab organisation] entered into a compact with the Boss⁵ to close its [employment list] books, in order that, for the future, its [own]strike-breaking personnel would have the monopoly of all the work that was available. “Since November last, its [i.e. this scab Union’s] relations with the Boss have become strained; minor disputes arose, a lock-out followed, and then a strike (a local one). “[So] the Boss formed a new [i.e. another strike-breaking, or “scab”] organisation, a repetition of his 1923 tactics, and we [the Australian Unionists] are invited to participate in the resultant Donnybrook shoulder-to-shoulder with the strike-breakers of the previous conflict.” [Reply to Minority Movement Attacks on My Stance]What more striking illustration, what more evidence is required to show that this Vancouver Longshoremen’s Union, which has received the plaudits and the blessing of the [Minority Movement’s] “Marine Worker” in their issue of July 24, is purely a bogus strike-breaking body, launched, fostered, nursed and pampered by the Shipping interest in Vancouver since their strike-breaking tactics in 1923?Not being satisfied with their strike-breaking career, which defeated the bona-fide Waterside Workers’ Union in the 1923 struggle, this same body, for twelve long years, has collaborated with the employers on a closed-book policy, and by this method excluded the erstwhile stalwarts [of the original Union], and starved them off the waterfront, thus depriving them of a livelihood in an Industry which was, at one time, their legitimate calling.With all these facts at our disposal at the special Branch Meeting in Sydney on July 16, [at which the “ Aorangi” crew report was presented], when, in addition to what has been reported, the crew of the “Aorangi” stated that they had collected over $600 for the strikers, I [Jacob Johnson] expressed the view that I considered, in view of this body’s past revolting record, they had received all the support from the crew of the “Aorangi” I considered they deserved.I went on to further say, had I been aboard the “Aorangi” myself, it is doubtful whether, in the circumstances, I would have contributed so liberally to their financial assistance as was done by the crew.For these utterances I have been taken to task by an alleged Official Organ of so-called Militants, known as the “Marine Worker”.  In their issue of July 24, I am accused by one of its scribes on one page as making a “slimy attack” on the Vancouver Longshoremen’s Union, and on another page, “that I do not take working-class principles [sic] into consideration, or don’t know what I am talking about”.An old adage reminds us that “Birds of a feather flock together”.  The Minority Movement, through its alleged Official Organ, the “Marine Worker”, desperate to gain recognition somewhere, has selected to ally itself with this bogus Vancouver Longshoremen’s Union, which, for twelve long years, has violated every working-class principle.The history of the Vancouver Longshoremen’s Union is repugnant to and stinks in the nostrils of the average Trades Unionist.  The role played by the “Marine Worker”, in attempting to white-wash it, is more revolting, particularly when it is borne in mind that in the process of so doing a vile attempt is made to besmirch the character of others.Bereft of anything constructive, this Organ exists mainly on a policy of serif-glorification and vilification of its opponents.  Misrepresentation is the motto of the scribes.  With them, lying appears a virtue, truth a vice.⁶The emancipation of the working class is allegedly their objective, but wherever they tread their way a devastating trail of wreckage is left behind.  If a Union move is a success, and although they may never participate in it, they claim the kudos.  In case of failure, they attribute the failure to others.The Vancouver Longshoremen’s Union is a body of original strike breakers.  For twelve long years they have violated every working-class principle and, because of one minor skirmish with their erstwhile pets—the employers—they are now hailed by the mouthpiece of the so-called Militants, the “Marine Worker”, as martyrs to the cause.Is it the desire of the so-called Militants, by taking up the cudgels on their behalf, and the condemnation of others, through the columns of the “Marine Worker” and elsewhere, to mould the Trades Union movement in this country into similar anti-working-class activities as those indulged in for so many years by the Vancouver Longshoremen’s Union?  Should they succeed, we may see in the past of that body an image of our own future.Time alone will be the deciding factor; for the time being we leave them to it.  But, in conclusion, let us remind the “Marine Worker” and its supporters that it requires more than the vapourings of their distorted press to convince us that the history of twelve years of anti-working-class activities, such as indulged in by the Vancouver Longshoremen’s Union, can be absolved in the partaking of one minor skirmish with their former allies, the employers.  Jacob Johnson, General Secretary.

 ↩ [Table of Contents] Editor’s Notes¹ Cable [= cablegram or telegram].  Referred to as a “lettergram" in installment 6. ↩ [Back]² Stop Work Meeting.  (Details to come). ↩ [Back]³ I have taken the liberty of explicitly listing the two points for “bearing in mind the judgement hinges on”.  The original text runs them on at the end of an already very long sentence. ↩ [Back]⁴ This allegation in the “Aorangi” Crew Report on the Longshoremen’s Union was printed in bold in the “Seamen’s Journal”.  It turned out to be false.  The “Seamen’s Journal” printed an immediate retraction and apology, two months later, in the issue 25 October 1935 issue, which appears in Installment 8 (below). ↩ [Back]⁵ Boss.  The Shipping Federation. ↩ [Back]⁶ These sentences are referenced in Installment 6 (above). ↩ [Back] ↩ [Table of Contents] THE 1935 AUSTRALIAN SEAMEN’S STRIKE — Installment 7

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            [8] ECHO OF VANCOUVER LONGSHORE DISPUTE[Meanwhile the Minority Movement, in its vicious assault upon the Seamen’s Union, stoops to blacken the reputation of the Union by resorting to personal accusations against its NSW Branch Secretary, Chris Herbert, together with two of its members, Bert Murray and T. Fleming, on a trumped-up charge of sabotaging the Vancouver Longshoremen’s Strike by secretly conspiring to prevent the crew of the “Niagara” from supporting the Strike.The Minority Movement purports to possess an incriminating letter from Herbert to the Vancouver Strike Committee, but cannot produce a copy.Bert Murray jumps to the defence of all three Unionists against the Minority Movement’s slurs.  He is being accused of the very thing that he, as a loyal Unionist, shuns.  Here is a man fighting to preserve his reputation, and that of the Union, for decency, against men who have no conception of decency.The “Seamen’s Journal” of 25 October 1935, starting on page 10, gives Bert Murray adequate space to defend his and his colleagues’ reputations, and that of the Union.  In so doing Murray challenges his accusers from the Minority Movement to make good their claims or leave the Union.Watch him at work.] 

Bert Murray, Seamens Journal, wrote:

Sydney, October, 1935, To the Members of the Seamen’s Union:The inspired, or rather conspired attack by the Sydney Militant Minority Movement, involving Member T. Fleming and the writer [i.e. Bert Murray], as well as impeaching the office and name of the Sydney Branch Secretary, Mr C. Herbert, occasioned when the latter received correspondence from the Vancouver Longshoremen’s Union, reflecting on and referring to both Member T. Fleming and the writer in most scurrilous terms and preferring charges generally (which could only be the result of misrepresentation by secret correspondence, directed by a person or persons connected with the Militant Minority Party), makes it imperative that the “subject” of this attack should be brought immediately under your notice. Return to SydneyOn the arrival of the M.V. “Aorangi” from Vancouver in July last, a special meeting of the Sydney Branch, which had been arranged prior to the arrival of the ship, was held on July 16 in the Mechanics’ Institute (two days before her departure [i.e. while she was still in port in Sydney after returning from Vancouver, and before departing for New Zealand?]).The official ship’s delegates tendered their reports, covering the history and conduct of the whole crew in relation to the Vancouver Longshoremen’s dispute and, as up to the time of arrival in Sydney, answered all questions therein which were directed to them by the meeting.These were supplemented by a general report rendered by T. Fleming, who had acted on the ship throughout as chairman of all mass meetings, and also represented the entire ship’s crew, including members of the Stewards’ and Cooks’ Unions.  This was further confirmed by the Assistant Secretary reading up to the meeting a lengthy, detailed typewritten report affecting the whole matter, which the writer had been commissioned to have ready for the use of the delegates, and which was also to be supplied to all Unions on arrival in New Zealand and Sydney.I accepted then and still do, all responsibility for the contents of this report, with the exception of one inaccuracy, wherein such report should have read, “Vancouver Longshoremen’s Union had responded with assistance in the early part of this year (1935), on the call of the San Francisco Marine Unions”, and avail myself of the opportunity to rectify the previous inaccurate statement.After a full and amicable general discussion, a resolution was moved by Member Keenan and amended by Assistant Branch Secretary A. E. McLaughlin, but the decision, after a further amendment moved by the General Secretary was, in substance, “that the action of the crew of the M.V. “Aorangi” in respect of the Vancouver Longshoremen’s dispute, be endorsed, and the crew complimented upon their conduct”. Bogus CorrespondenceUnlike members of the Union generally agreeing to loyally abide by and recognise decisions secured at properly constituted meetings, especially on matters affecting membership in the Union, the Militant Minority Party, being well represented at the meeting in name, but defeated by vote, immediately set into operation their outside political machinery and Party organisation, to “sabotage” both the decision and members of the Seamen’s Union, by directing to Vancouver such matters which later on resulted in the Sydney Branch Secretary receiving inspired correspondence from the Vancouver Strike Committee containing scurrilous accusations against Fleming and myself.This correspondence, which purported to be a reply to a letter allegedly sent by Mr Herbert [to] Vancouver, was read out, and became the subject of a lengthy debate at the Sydney Branch September Stop-work Meeting.Mr Herbert at the meeting emphatically denied ever having corresponded with this body; it is, therefore, quite obvious that a generally misleading report of the Sydney July Special Meeting had been supplied from Sydney by someone who was not at all particular about speaking the truth.When challenged at the September Stop-work Meeting, Member Kleppe, who was a member of the Minority Party as well as the Seamen’s Union, and a former member of the “Aorangi” crew, admitted being the instrument for conveying correspondence to the Vancouver Strike Committee.  When pressed to produce a copy of such correspondence, Kleppe stated that he could not supply a copy to the meeting.For the purpose of unearthing these unsavory tactics of the M.M., I moved a resolution indicating that the fullest investigations should be made.Member Keenan, scenting the danger of such investigations, which might expose the intriguing tactics of the M.M. and their underhand workings, moved an amendment purposely intended to sidetrack such investigations.However, in spite of his most elaborate appeal to members to support him in his amendment, the resolution was carried.The resolution provides for:—The Branch Secretary to write to Vancouver and request official information and copies of any correspondence received by them, which was allegedly signed by him.Promise, on receipt of same, to re-examine and institute an inquiry, and pass judgment where required.Copy of resolution to be forwarded to New Zealand Unions and all people named in Vancouver Longshoremen’s correspondence.Certified copies of all correspondence and resolutions affecting matters in name to be supplied by Branch Secretary to Fleming and Murray to assist, where necessary, in defending both their character and membership in the Seamen’s Union. A ChallengeIn the correspondence referred to, apart from the scurrilous remarks, the Vancouver Strike Committee charges Fleming and myself with having influenced the crew of the “Niagara” against participating in the Vancouver Longshoremen’s dispute.I here give an unqualified denial of ever having corresponded with the “Niagara” crew on the matter, and have also Fleming’s assurance and authority to say that he never corresponded with members of the ship’s crew.As regards myself I am prepared to voluntarily surrender my membership in the Seamen’s Union, if such charge is supported by the facts.I am now asking: Will the person, whether of the Militant Minority Party or merely members of this Union responsible for such accusations, come out into the open and sustain this charge? Will they also agree to my challenge to get out of the Seamen’s Union if they fail to prove the same?When the language contained in the letters of this inspired attack, together with the passionate expostulate ones of Member Keenan and others, along with the means at their disposal, such as political machinery, organisations and press, which they use to secure their own aims and objects (and especially between Seamen’s elections, in defeating by all or any means or methods, preferably by sabotage and misrepresentation, the decisions of members and elected officials of the Seamen’s Union) are considered, it is only consistent that the Militant Minority Party and its experienced or more timid sympathisers should be found voting against a resolution which has for its object, not only redress for Fleming, the [present] writer, and all concerned, but to force out and expose in the open the people who masquerade as members of the Seamen’s Union, but refuse to respect its rulings and decisions, preferring allegiance to the orders and instructions issued from outside bodies, whose aim and object seems to be to usurp the powers of members and elected officials of the Seamen’s Union.Space in the Journal will not permit a more comprehensive review, nor a discussion on the Vancouver Longshoremen’s dispute with the Shipping Federation of British Columbia.  [However,] the composition of this Union as a Shipping-controlled Association has already been explained in a previous issue of the Journal.Since I made my first report on this matter—and I am still of that opinion now—the crew of the “Aorangi” gave sufficient support to their cause when they responded to the Longshoremen’s appeal for financial assistance to the extent of over $600, and were accordingly eulogised and thanked by that body.As a matter of fact, now when one has had time off to give the Vancouver Longshoremen’s dispute mature and calm consideration, and taking into account this body’s past anti-Trade Unionist record, it might well be questioned perhaps whether the “Aorangi” crew did not make a mistake in even supporting them financially. For Majority ControlIn conclusion, pending replies and/or any information from Vancouver Longshoremen, now officially called for by the Seamen’s Union in the terms of the resolution carried at the September Stop-work Meeting, I am authorized by Member Fleming to express his absolute agreement, along with the writer, in declaring and demanding that the Seamen’s Union shall be ruled by its members and duly elected officials from within the Union, and shall not be subject to attempted rule by unauthorised Minorities or outside bodies masquerading under cover of membership of the Union,      Yours truly,          Bert J. Murray

 ↩ [Table of Contents] THE 1935 AUSTRALIAN SEAMEN’S STRIKE — Installment 8

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        [9] PHOTOGRAPHS OF JOHNSON, CASEY and CLARKE The following photographs of Jacob Johnson, Bill Casey and Bill Clarke are reproduced from press photography, with written permission obtained from Fairfax Syndication ¹.They are taken from the Fairfax archive of glass plate negatives [picture] between 1890 and 1948. Bill Casey and Jacob Johnson, ca. 1925Fig. 1.  Mr Jacob Johnson speaking to a man during his deportation case, New South Wales, ca. 1925.[Bill Casey (in profile) is at the left, and Jacob Johnson is at the right.]Medium:  1 negative: glass, b&w; 8·3×10·8 cm.Photographer:  Unknown.  [Fairfax Syndication]Fairfax Number:  4718National Library of Australia identifier:  nla.pic-vn6296204  http://nla.gov.au/nla.pic-vn6296204 Jacob Johnson and Bill Clarke, ca. 1928Fig. 2.  Jacob Johnson with two other men, New South Wales, ca. 1928.[Jacob Johnson is in the centre, and Bill Clarke (hatless) is at the right.]Medium:  1 negative: glass, b&w; 8·3×10·8 cm.Photographer:  Unknown.  [Fairfax Syndication]Fairfax Number:  6736National Library of Australia identifier:  nla.pic-vn6247919  [http://nla.gov.au/nla.pic-vn6247919] ↩ [Table of Contents] Editor’s Notes¹ Fairfax Syndication.[http://www.fairfaxsyndication.com/C.aspx?VP3=CMS3&VF=FXJO50_1] ↩ [Back] ↩ [Table of Contents] THE 1935 SEAMEN’S STRIKE — Installment 9

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Fair Dinkum, Mate!Here is a link to a blog by a gentle Australian female artist, who normally writes and paints artistic matters:http://wotansdaughter.blogspot.com.auHer blog does not have a permalink, so look for the blog of Sunday, April 06, 2014. Her earlier blogs back to the Misogyny song of March 20, 2014 are also well worth a look.Richard WagnerThis lady is passionate about the work of the German composer Richard Wagner, and calls her blog after one of the finest heroines in all of human art, Brünnhilde, the daughter of Wotan.Richard Wagner was a revolutionary in the Dresden Uprising of 1849.  He was reading Hegel’s Phenomenolgy in the watch tower, while scouting on the lookout for the arrival of the counter-revolutionary troops.  His closest revolutionary companion was Bakunin, who earlier upon hearing Wagner conduct Beethoven’s Ninth Symphony, with its revolutionary cry “Alle Menschen werden Brüder" [All mankind will be brothers], observed that if all else vanishes in flames, this symphony must survive.Wagner composed the greatest artistic work ever to embody the spirit of a philosopher, and that philosopher was none other than the materialist Ludwig Feuerbach.Wagner’s embodiment of Feuerbach is, of course, The Ring, and it concludes in Feuerbachian fashion with Twilight of the Gods, the end of religious illusion.Its “hero”, Siegfried, heroic not traditionally but in a Feuerbachian liberatory art-supersedes-religion sense [giving us a closer glimpse of Feuerbach, and showing us where his only other serious protégé besides Marx was led] was based on none other than the young revolutionary Bakunin.We can consider Wagner and Bakunin as nearly-young-Hegelians.[Wagner’s own, often unpleasant, protégé was the anti-revolutionary Friedrich Nietzsche, who dwelled in his household through his formative years, and is familiar for pithy phrases, just like Proudhon, such as “God is Dead”.]One final observation of mine.  The year 1859 was the year that Darwin [Origin of Species], Wagner [Tristan and Isolde] and Marx [A Contribution towards a Critique of Political Economy] set the world irrevocably on a new course.  We are their heirs.  Let us do them justice!Yes, in Aussie slang, “Fair Dinkum”.  Australia has reintroduced knighthoods, legislates to allow people to be bigots, and now this.

[twc]

Moderator1, if it’s OK with you, I’ll place future instalments in the World Socialist Movement forum, so that they don’t clutter up proceedings here in the General Discussion forum.

[twc]

The 1935 Seamen’s StrikeW. J. ClarkeIntroductionThe following work was intended to be part of a larger [history]¹ but publication [in 1981] of “The Seamen’s Union of Australia 1872–1972: A History”² makes it incumbent on me to publish this extract from the larger work.³I chose to do this because I believe that much of the material in this “History” is not only laced with deliberate departures from the facts of actual history, but contains errors based upon ignorance of many significant details of the subject matter.It is imperative that readers should have an opportunity to ascertain the truth of that part of their⁴ history this extract relates to.Illness and other misfortunes⁵ have delayed my complete history and, in these circumstances, I have chosen the chapter on “The 1935 Seamen’s Strike” for two reasons:It is probably the most important point in the history of the union.It is that part of the work by Fitzpatrick and Cahill which contains the most errors, intentional or otherwise.W.J.C Editor’s Notes¹ I have transcribed the author’s own photocopy of his original typewriter script prepared during the 1980s.  The text is complete.  It contains minor typing errors, which I have minimally edited, solely for readability, in order to do justice to the author’s content.  Where I felt it necessary to amend his text, for more than readability, I have gone further than standard, but silent, book editorial practice, and have placed my alterations inside square brackets, as [here].  These may be checked by future historians against the original, to be deposited in the archives of the SPGB.² Brian Fitzpatrick and Rowan Cahill, “The Seamen’s Union of Australia 1872–1972: A History”, [Seamen's Union of Australia, Sydney, 1981].  Clearly the publication of this work forced Bill Clarke’s hand.³ The remaining chapters are incomplete, and are distributed, non-systematically, among numerous folders and boxes.  It would take considerable effort to compile them into a completed work.The author considered this chapter to be the most important.  It should eventually be supplemented with a transcript of “The Crooks Exposed”, and Bill Casey’s report to the union of the First Red Trade Union International (in the Tom Walsh papers at the National Archives in Canberra).  Originals, or photocopies, to be deposited for safekeeping with the SPGB.⁴ Clearly Bill Clarke intended this chapter to be read by members of the Seamen’s Union of Australia.⁵ Bill Clarke, born in 1899, wrote this work during the 1980s.  His gentle life-long companion, Marie, died suddenly while he was writing it in 1983.  They had been deeply close for over six decades, and he suffered her loss deeply.  Debilitating illness hampered his writing as he approached his 90th year. THE 1935 SEAMEN’S STRIKE — Installment 1

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alanjjohnstone wrote:

One point I might raise now is calling miniscule groups of socialists "political parties" actually honest or beneficial if they are not performing as political parties. Should we call ourselves socialist study groups.

Yes, for groups, like the Australians, which no longer perform as political parties.No, for groups, like the New Zealanders, who do perform as a political party.Resoundingly No, for the SPGB.  It is a functioning political party. The SPGB is the political party of world socialism.  It is Marx’s scientific party.Our shared Obj and DOP imply that an adhering group of sufficient size to function as a viable party of world socialism is a party of world socialism, and should be recognized, independent of size, to be a party of world socialism.

[twc]

Joining a Communist Manifesto reading group sounds fabulous.I have some comments to make, which bring in (1) our Obj and (2) our DOPThe Manifesto starts “The history of all hitherto existing society is the history of class struggles.”.By then, Marx hadn’t figured out what the class struggle was about.  [Maybe he had, but he doesn’t state it explicitly.  We, of the socialist party, can.]The socialist party knows what our Object tells us the class struggle is about:  ownership and control of the means of life [≡ the means and instruments of social reproduction].If society as a whole doesn’t own and control the means of living, which boils down to society not owning and controlling the means of its own living, then a class of society owns and controls them. Ownership and control is all that makes a social class.  The class doesn’t have to toil with a pick down a mine or smoke cigars in a boardroom. If a class of society owns and controls the means of life then that class of society robs and rules the rest of us.Until people comprehend that they are robbed and ruled by part of society, they have no need to change society.  As soon as they comprehend that they are robbed and ruled, well … [write on the dotted line.]The Immediate Demands are the cause of our modern woes, and most are being whittled away in the interests of private capital.This is where our DOP comes in as the only path for realizing our Obj.

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LBird wrote:

As for your [twc’s] assertion that "no serious developer writes GO TO's"… it makes me wonder if you live in our world.

If that ain’t endorsing the use of GOTOs by serious programmers, I don’t know what is.It might have been wiser to let sleeping dogs lie.

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Al,Our Obj and DOP make us a political party.Nobody disagrees that we are small.  We can thank the possibilists for that [Social Democrats and Communists].Zero is very small indeed, but it is still a number [in most number systems].  We are larger than zero.Do you recall how embarrassing the centenary celebration for Darwin’s Origin of Species was.  Hardly more tepidly enthusiastic than the stunned reception to Lyell and Hooker’s presentation of the original Darwin–Wallace paper at the Linnean Society. Yet, within a few years of the centenary, everything changed.  The mounting evidence suddenly became overwhelming:The Leakeys at Olduvai Gorge, plate tectonics, radioactive rock dating, Punk–Eek (punctuated equilibrium), cladistics, Steven Gould, David Attenborough, Carl Sagan on stunning prime time TV specials that set new presentation and filming standards, and drew huge anticipatory audiences.Now, with genome sequencing, evolution couldn’t be more exciting.  From moribund to the sensation of Jurassic Park in three decades!  Evolution is the hottest science around, with fabulous dinosaur discoveries all the time in China and South America, and all kids just adore dinosaurs.  Marx will simply take longer, but the capitalist class is doing its nasty bit to hurry things along. There will be mounting evidence.  That’s the way scientific change works and, as I hold, we are Marx’s scientific party.Courage and patience.

[twc]

LBird wrote:

humans create both ‘classes’ and ‘objects’   (1)

Statement (1) expresses a conclusion drawn from experimental observation of the practice of object-oriented programming.  It is an empirical fact.Empirical facts cannot be their own immediate explanation¹  If they were, we would remain forever trapped inside the world of concrete experience.  All experience would then be self evident.Empirical facts are part of the raw material of their own explanation, but they cannot explain themselves.  To explain anything we must leave our ‘outer’ world of concrete experience and enter our ‘inner’ world of abstract thought.Explanation of the empirical ‘outer’ world, or that-sidedness, can only be mediated, non-empirically, in our ‘inner’ world, or this-sidedness.Unconscious MaterialismYou forget that, by appealing to statement (1) as evident proof of idealism, you are appealing to the crude materialism of an empirical fact speaking for itself.  This is a trap for all folks who think that concrete facts hold self-evident content, as you are here implying, without appealing to theory, as you’ve hitherto sometimes said.This forum was invaded last year by (to put it kindly) a thoughtful racist, exploiting the same illusion that a fact was its own self-evident explanation; in his case, the fact of voluntary segregation was sufficient proof of racial incompatibility.The world of our immediate concrete experience is only half our world, and stands in need of explanation in the world of our abstract ideas, where mediated explanation resides, whether you’re an idealist or a materialist. So much for your dismissal of the categories concrete and abstract.By itself, statement (1) proves nothing.GOTO Considered HarmfulWith a contemptuous snort, you defend GOTO programming, five decades after Dijkstra² considered it harmful.Recent computing languages like Java, JavaScript, Python, etc. outlaw it.  The dominant desktop programming languages derived from C [C++ and Objective C] historically permit it, but deprecate its use, and provide structured alternatives like exception handling, etc.Anyone can use GOTOs where they are available, as Donald Knuth defended, for special cases.  But that master of the Art of Computer Programming, and father of modern algorithmic theory, writes what he calls, quite correctly, literate programs in his macroprocessor Web language, that ultimately typesets them, automatically cross-referenced and indexed, so that they may be read for literary and scientific pleasure, as well as generate executable code.  That’s human creativity.Notes¹ You formerly observed that concrete facts lack theoretical content, but put it, inexpertly, by pronouncing that your exemplary “proletarian” scientist distinguished himself from the bourgeois one by “changing facts to suit his theory”, a pronouncement so casuistic as to distort, and ultimately destroy, any possible correct meaningful content you intended to convey.² Dijkstra considered “the use of COBOL cripples the mind; its teaching should, therefore, be regarded as a criminal offence”.

[twc]

pgb wrote:

So if you are a member, you can never question the Object and D of P. Right?

Right.WhyIf a member conscientiously disagrees with our Object and D of P that member puts himself outside the party.Should you find yourself in this position, you have no honourable choice but to join another party with a different Object and D of P that you do agree with, where you are consistently at liberty to attack the original party for its shortcomings as seen from your newfound position.How on earth can you attack principles by adhering to them, unless you aim for reductio ad absurdum.  But adherence to what is absurd, makes it absurd to adhere; absurd to belong.A principled thinker should logically depart.If a physicist disagrees with one of Newton’s laws he puts himself outside of classical physics, say, into relativity or quantum physics.  If a geometer disagrees with, say, Euclid’s fifth postulate (his parallel postulate) he puts himself outside of classical geometry into hyperbolic or elliptic geometries.In practice, non-newtonians and non-euclideans undermined their science inside of it, before they established their new science outside of it.  Then they logically moved on to adopting new principles.  [Thomas Kuhn gives the classic account (thoroughly Hegelian resolution of the struggle of ideas) of this process of paradigm shift.]Non-newtonian physics and non-euclidean geometry prove as logically consistent as the originals.  They must be or they are scientifically useless.  [Coherence , or scientific consistency, is essentially the argument against dualism, or syncretism, as a scientifically useful position, but merely the type specimen of temporary expediency.]No more than this is being said of the socialist party.  It sticks to its principles, or it is replaced by another with better principles.  It must be politically coherent to be politically useful.The real question you must answer is — what are these better principles?  Roydon feared 100 years of disproof.  You and alanjjohnstone fear another 70 years of disproof.What are the better principles that bury the party and, like the Phoenix, rise anew out of its ashes?If you ain’t got ’em, you’re merely absurd and dishonorable.Socialism, despite the cynicism bred of capitalism [in fact, in spite of the cynicism bred of capitalism] can only be achieved by opposing absurdity and dishonour, or it is doomed from the start.The party too presents itself as a coherent entity, that is logically consistent with its foundation principles. Its Object and D of P embody the party.  They mark it out as what it is, and what it is not.  Just like the principles of physics and geometry.Many avowed socialists have expressed conscientious doubts over, what is essentially, the party’s Object and D of P.  Bernstein was the first from within.  The Fabians scoffed at them long ago.  The anarchists ignore them.  The Trotskyites give them lip service.  And, from his Socialist Standard interview, Andrew Kliman cannot perceive their coherence.  [Poor old David Harvey hardly counts.]All who conscientiously disagree with our Object and D of P are perfectly free to hold, without needing our permission, their own principles [such as they are] and belong to their own organizations that adhere to their own principles [such as they do], and then from their own position [such as it is] attack our principles and us.Since you choose to do so from within[?], please tell us just where our Object and D of P are deficient?

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Soul SearchingThe language of religion doesn’t bother me at all.  English is deeply indebted to the language of the King James version.Religion is a reactionary part of the social superstructure, and is now largely subservient within the capitalist superstructure, which itself is subservient to the capitalist social base.The capitalist social base, rather than religion, is what we are determined to replace.With a socialist base, religion [which in the West now persists mainly by permission of the capitalist base] loses the foundation that supplies its need.To return.  I wrote that, unlike the socialist parties, other parties go through continual soul searching all of the time.  That’s the terminology they use.I continued my line of thought, in consistent terminology, saying that:  unlike us, other parties are continually forced to search their souls because they ain’t got no soul there to find.  We already found ours in our Object and DOP. We ain’t no need to keep on searchin’.  Big deal about the religious terminology.Australian IdeologyYou observe that you and I hold fundamentally different views about our Object and DOP. Too true.  To you they are ideological.  To me they are scientific.  They result from Marx’s science.If they are ideological, as you aver, how do you decide which ideology to accept? If they are ideological, as you aver, where do they come from?If they are ideological, as you aver, what hope does anyone have that our Object and DOP, or any other Object and DOP, will help us attain socialism and, once we’ve attained it, help us sustain socialism as a viable world social system?On the other hand, I claim that our DOP is the road to socialism [though others may doubt its central role, which I’ve argued is absurdly inconsistent with the DOP itself].I hold that our Object is the central scientific consequence of the materialist conception of history.  I hold that our Object is the conclusion of Marx’s critique of the capitalist social system — his towering achievement, to which all else he achieved is subservient.  Marx wrote it himself.Our Object defines socialism as a social process and, if attained through our DOP, supplies the ultimate “proof of the pudding” that social being determines consciousness, and thereby materialistically guarantees  the viability and sustainability of world socialism, whose determined conciousness is truly up to running a world-wide social system worthy of mankind.

[twc]

Some preliminary pages from a very long document written by W. J. Clarke in the late 1980s that covers the founding of the Socialist Party of Australia, and its association with the Australian Seamen’s Union.This has been transcribed today, and tidied with minor editing.  I will deposit all the originals with the SPGB.pgb, I believe Johnson’s son Desmond collected his father’s papers upon his death in 1961 in order to edit and publish them in some form.  Bill Clarke requested access, but access was declined.  I have no idea where they are now, hopefully (not as you suggest) at the bottom of the harbour.HISTORY [Forerunners (to come)]FoundingThe foundation meeting of the (World) Socialist Party of Australia was held on 22 January 1924 in the meeting room of the Theatrical Employee’s Association in Melbourne.  The hall had been made available after discussions between the Secretary of the Association and comrade Jack Temple, and it was accepted free of charge.Those present were comrades:   C. (Charley?) Wardley,  J. (Jack) O’Brien,  C. (Con) O’Brien,  A. (Gus) O’Brien,  W. (Bill) Delaney,  J. (Jack) Temple,  R. (Ron?) Buchanan,  Y. London,  J. (Jack) Gillies,  J. Grant.Com. Temple moved:

Quote:

That a Socialist Party be formed in Australia to be named the Socialist Party of Australia.

Com. Gus O’Brien seconded the motion and the resolution was carried unanimously.Com. Temple gave a preliminary talk on the object of the Socialist Party of Australia (SPA).  He then moved:

Quote:

That the object of the Party be:  The establishment of a system of society based upon the common ownership and democratic control of the means and instruments for producing and distributing wealth by and in the interests of the whole community.

A statement of guiding principles for the Party, based upon the principles of the Socialist Party of Great Britain (SPGB), but with necessary geographical alteration, was presented and discussed in meetings held over about 14 sessions, and then accepted.These foundation meetings attracted more members, often from ships trading on the Australian coast.The first secretary was Gus O’Brien, one of three brothers, who had a long-time association with the Party.  Con’s wife Edith, and their son Peter, later became life-long members.  Gus O’Brien was elected Secretary–Treasurer after Jack Temple had declined nomination for Treasurer, on the grounds of uncertainty over his employment.Membership of the Party was fixed at a rate of 1/6d [7½ p] per week.Standing RulesCom. Young drew up a set of standing orders, and these were adopted, with minor amendment.  Having experienced the chaos that plagued other organizations, members agreed to lay down rules of guidance, among which were:

Quote:

No member shall issue or accept a challenge to debate other than on behalf of the Party; any further action shall rest with the Party.No member of the Party may take the platform of any other party except in opposition.No member can also be a member of any other political party.

Upon settling matters of Party machinery, the Party attended to questions of means of propaganda, meetings and lectures, debates with other organizations, and educational classes.Literature recommended for members’ reading included  “The Communist Manifesto”,  “Socialism, Utopian and Scientific”,  “Wage, Labour and Capital”,  “Value, Price and Profit”,  Socialist Standard (the SPGB official organ),  and the “SPGB Manifesto”.ActivityCom. London became tutor of the economics class.  Com. Temple lectured on social evolution.By now, Coms Barney Kelly and Jim Fitzgerald, both seamen, had joined and were active in meetings.  H. McEllen and J. Lamb had also joined.W. (Bill) Clarke and W. (Bill) Casey and other “forerunners” were active in Sydney, where a second branch was soon to be formed.CredentialsOne of the first challenges to debate came from [communist] Joe Shelley.  The Party instructed the secretary to write to the Communist Party, checking his credentials to represent it.  This was a necessary condition of debate, owing to the number of disaffiliated individuals then falsely claiming to represent various parties.There was a different twist to arranging debates with the Australian Labor Party [ALP].  Frank Anstey (MP), Maurice Blackburn, (MP) and Don Cameron (later ALP Senator), squibbed arranged debates or challenges, either by choice or by instruction of the Labor Party.Yarra BankOn 6 May 1924, Young and Temple were appointed speakers to address gatherings on the Yarra Bank, where open-air meetings were allowed on Sundays.  [twc: The Yarra river flows through Melbourne.]  Buchanan and McEllen were elected as chairmen to the meetings.LiteratureOn 2 July 1924, Fitzgerald, who was sailing to London, was credentialed to obtain back numbers of the Socialist Standard for free distribution in Australia on his return.  He was also to obtain other material from the SPGB that was unavailable in Australia.Growing MembershipOn 25 November 1924, S. (Stan) Willis made application to join, and was accepted into the Party.  [twc: His son, Ralph, though groomed to be Australian treasurer (like Chancellor of the Exchequer) under Prime Minister Hawke, was thwarted by Labor Party factionalism, but later became Australian treasurer under Prime Minister Keating.]Willis was one of a number of Victorian Railways employees that included boilermakers, train examiners and assistant station masters.  For a time, seamen and railway men formed a large proportion of the membership.Street CornerNaturally, at this very early stage, there were few members qualified to present the Party’s case on its behalf.  Speakers were first required to pass a stiff test in order to speak for it.  Lack of speaker qualification did not preclude members from chairing Party meetings.  (Note: Eddie Ward’s opinion on this.  [twc: presumably it was scathing, coming from Ward.])By October 1927, the Party had developed (numerically) to the point where it could apply to the Melbourne suburban councils of Prahran, Fitzroy, Richmond, South Melbourne, and the Melbourne City Council for permits to speak at certain street corners.  Application was also made for permit to stand on the Yarra Bank.  That was the procedure in those days.Two more members were placed on the speaker’s list — Willis and Gillies.DebatesChallenges were made to or by the W.I.I.U., the Communist Party, the I.W.W, the Henry George (Single Taxers) League, and other organizations.The W.I.I.U, was asked to show “How is Industrial Unionism a very important and powerful weapon for working class emancipation”, and “How the Russian Revolution of November 1917 demonstrates this”.There was a debate between C. Wardley (Socialist Party) and Bob Brodney (Communist Party).  Of course, the SPA rejected a request from the Communist Party to join one of its publicity demonstrations.A feature that plagued any arrangement for debate was constant procrastination on the part of opponents in arriving at a decision to accept.Open air meetings were now held regularly, and the Melbourne suburbs of Elsternwick and Brunswick were added to the list.An Open Air Meeting at Brunswick — The Brunswick Bell-RingerIt was at a Brunswick meeting, when Com. Clarke was speaking, that Frank Anstey (ALP) took umbrage over the assertion that the Labor Party was a supporter of the capitalist system.  “It’s a damn lie!” yelled Anstey as he rushed madly at the platform.  There was a large crowd in attendance, and several in the crowd managed to restrain Anstey.Clarke responded “This is the first time I’ve heard a politician call himself a liar.  I will give you the facts.”  Continuing, “In theory, the Labor Party opposes capitalism; in practice, it is its supporter and subsidizer”.“The man who said that was Mr Frank Anstey himself”.  Anstey was referred to his very own statement in Hansard.Now, the Labor Party used to speak at this same street corner on alternate Friday nights to the Socialist Party.  At election times, a very solid ALP supporter used to arrange their platform, and vigorously ring a large bell to herald the start of ALP meetings.  He was present on the night when Anstey rushed the Socialist Party platform.The solid bell-ringer approached our platform, and asked permission to speak from it for a few minutes.  We agreed, as it was always Socialist Party practice to let anyone take our platform to disagree with us should they wish to do so.He mounted the platform, and we prepared ourselves for a blinding attack on the Party.  Instead, to the utter disbelief of all present, he passionately proclaimed “I have been an Anstey supporter for many years.  I have rung my bell dozens of times to announce ALP speakers from this very spot.  After what I have seen tonight, I'll never ring that bell for the ALP again!”He attended our meetings several times afterwards, but never expressed a desire to join.  He couldn’t break with many long-time friends in the ALP.JournalAt the meeting of 10 August 1929, the Executive Committee recommended publication of an official party organ.  [twc: It was later called Socialist Comment.]Parliamentary ActivityOn 10 March 1931, it was agreed “That the E.C. consider the advisability of contesting the Melbourne seat at the next Federal Election”.On 24 March 1931, it was agreed to set up a Parliamentary Fund, and that the Press be notified of the Party’s intention to stand a candidate for the Federal seat of Melbourne Ports.In consequence, the Party decided “That in the event of any member being elected to Parliament his emoluments shall be under the control of the Party”.[To be continued]

[Author]

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