[ALB]

Apparently, some of the signatories of the "Socialist Platform" are members of the "Alliance for Workers Liberty", a Trotskyoid group organised as a vanguard party. Others are in the party misleadingly calling itself the "Communist Party of Great Britain" (they've nothing to do with the defunct party of this name) who publish the Weekly Worker.  Both these organisations have on occasions called on workers to "Vote Labour". I can't believe that they would dissolve their organisations into a party formed on their Platform's principles, let alone into the proposed new Left Reformist Party.I'm still trying to work out what their game is, but the statement is still worth discussing at its face value.

[ALB]

Yes, you are right. In a 10-member constituency, for a list to get an MEP it would have to have got about 10% of the votes cast. Less in fact, as the votes for lists with well under this are not taken into count. In 2009 Labour got its 1 MEP in the SE Region with only 8.2%. I hadn't realised Labour had done so badly as the region does, after all, include some big towns such as Southampton and Reading.

[ALB]

jpodcaster wrote:

So shoot me down in flames but here's a suggestion to WSM members, sympathisers and other libertarian socialists – sign up to the pledge and get involved in Left Unity. See if we can influence the direction the organisation takes.

Tempting perhaps, but of course we've got principles which include being above board and so rule out "entryism" into other organisations. But you're not bound by these principles and can enter LU. Keep us informed of what happens !I'm a bit surprised, though, that you are prepared to go into the proposed new party to support, not a modified version of the "Socialist Platform", but  the wishy-washy, reformist and openly opportunist and vote-catching "Left Party Platform" as exemplified from this passage from the link you give:

Quote:

The space to the left of Labour is enormous – and as Labour moves further to the right, it gets bigger every day. In this moment of crisis and the rise of UKIP, even a moderately successful left party could pull the whole debate in society back towards the left, and win real defensive victories over the welfare state. The Socialist Platform, by contrast, takes the overthrow of capitalism and its replacement with socialism as its starting point. It is a far narrower statement – just about acceptable to a few different kinds of socialist, but distinctly unappealing to most people on the wider left. It is a recipe, I think, for narrowing the party to those who are already convinced socialists, plus a few more who we might be able to persuade as we went along.

That's the issue (as it always has been): a "narrow" party of convinced socialists or a "broad" rag-bag party of all sorts of reformists?

[ALB]

Alex Woodrow wrote:

Finally could I ask, if we stood in the South East, how many candidates need to stand in the region and do these candidates need to be evenly distributed across different parts of the region to represent everyone across the region?

Elections to the European Parliament are for lists in multi-member constituencies with the seats allocated to the lists by proportional representation.The South East Region elects 10 MEPs, but a list doesn't have to have 10 candidates. It could have anything from 1 to 10. At the last Euroelections in 2009 we presented a full list of 10 in the London Region. We'll no doubt present a full list of 4 for the Wales Region.Any EU citizen from any part of the EU can stand on a list (even a one-person one). If we stood we shouldn't have any difficulty finding 10 candidates but we could equally choose to avoid the extra paperwork involved by putting up a list of 4 or 5. Electors vote for a list not individual candidates.

[ALB]

Actually contesting the South East Region instead of London might be another option. We have 2 branches in the area and West London and South London branches wouldn't have to venture too far to reach it:

Quote:

The constituency corresponds to South East England, in the south east of the United Kingdom, comprising the ceremonial counties of Berkshire, Buckinghamshire, East Sussex, Hampshire, the Isle of Wight, Kent, Oxfordshire, Surrey and West Sussex.

We've done London once, so this would be a chance to get our case across to a further, but different, six million electors.We'd also be standing against the Nigel Farage himself.Also, we would be less likely to face opposition from other lists calling themselves "socialist", eg the Scargill Labour Party. Apparently, Bob Crow of RMT is planning to revive the "No2EU" party so the Left can join in the xenophobic frenzy that these elections are going to be. A reason, incidentally, why we should contest under the registered variant of our name of "World Socialist Movement".Interesting to learn what Kent & Sussex and South West England branches think about it. Something to discuss at ADM.

[ALB]

Just been pointed out to me that one of the signatories of the "Socialist Platform" is Joseph Healy who was the Green Party candidate in Vauxhall in the 2010 general election at which we stood. Perhaps he was convinced of some of his current views by listening to our candidate Danny Lambert at the various hustings that took place ! Another of our opponents in this election has also joined (well, entered) LU, Jeremy Drinkall of Workers Power, but he hasn't learned anything as he's one of the signatories of the rival (and terrible) "Class Struggle Platform".

[ALB]

alanjjohnstone wrote:

London branches i believe will be concentrating their resources on the London Assembly elections rather than the Euro-election.

It's actually the London borough elections, but there will also be local elections in other places where we have active branches, like Norwich, Maidstone (and Tunbridge Wells!) and Manchester.  I'd hope that the branches there would want to contest too.The euro and local elections will take place on the same day: Thursday 22 May 2014.We've not actually decided whether or not to contest the London Region in the Euroelections (as we did in 2009). This is down for discussion at our Autumn Delegate Meeting in October. It costs at least £5000 to contest (that's the deposit you lose if you don't get 5% of the vote).

[ALB]

Ozymandias wrote:

Does this document give anyone hope? Is the "Left" slowly evolving?

Reading through the statement, if we could believe that those who drafted it were sincere (as opposed to applying Leninist "tactics"), it would represent an evolution of ideas on the "Left".  There are even some phrases that I can't believe weren't taken from us, even if unconsciously from having heard us over the years. For instance:

Quote:

Capitalism does not and cannot be made to work in the interests of the majority.

And

Quote:

… the socialist transformation of society … can only be accomplished by the working class itself acting democratically as the majority in society.

And

Quote:

Socialism … means a society in which the wealth and the means of production are no longer in private hands but are owned in common.

In the past they would have said "nationalised", i.e owned by the state. This may still be what they envisage but "owned in common" is what we've been saying all along as something distinct from state or government ownership.Of course there are things we dont agree with. For instance, Clause 1 suggests that the "State" will continue into socialism and Clause 2 does not spell out that socialism (common ownership) implies the complete disappearance of the market. I suspect that, if you scratch them, they will draw a distinction between "socialism" and "communism". It's good to see that they don't reject elections and from Clause 5 that they are not jumping on the "No To Europe" bandwagon, even if the alternative to the EU is world socialism rather than just a "European federation of socialist societies".But the big difference is Clause 8, which opens the way to a party organised on the basis they propose having a reform programme. And in fact, in answer to criticism that their "statement of aims and principles" is "too abstract" they have replied that of course the new Left Unity party should have a reform programme. When their statement is rejected (as it will be) when the LU party is formed in November as a openly reformist "broad" party they'll probably stay in and concentrate on campaigning for reforms (as well as recruiting for their own factions).I haven't worked out why the people behind it (the Independent Socialist Network, currently part of TUSC but seemingly in the process of defecting to the new LU party, and the neo-Leninists of Weekly Worker) have proposed this statement since their past and present practice shows that they don't really accept its implications, i.e to give priority to campaigning for socialism. That would be "abstract propagandism" like the SPGB !Even so, I wonder whether we shouldn't call their bluff and invite them to meet to compare their "statement of aims and principles" with our "object and declaration of principles"?

[ALB]

Here's the "Socialist Platform". Actually, parts of it are not too bad. At least it attempts to define socialism and they are talking the same language (using the same words) as us. It's unlikely to be adopted though. When it's not perhaps (perhaps!) some of them will realise that a socialist party already exists.

Quote:

Statement of Aims and Principles for the 

 Party The 

 Party is a socialist party. Its aim is to bring about the end of capitalism and its replacement by socialism.Under capitalism, production is carried out solely to make a profit for the few, regardless of the needs of society or damage to the environment.  Capitalism does not and cannot be made to work in the interests of the majority. Its state and institutions will have to be replaced by ones that act in the interests of the majority.Socialism means complete political, social and economic democracy. It requires a fundamental breach with capitalism. It means a society in which the wealth and the means of production are no longer in private hands but are owned in common. Everyone will have the right to participate in deciding how the wealth of society is used and how production is planned to meet the needs of all and to protect the natural world on which we depend. We reject the idea that the undemocratic regimes that existed in the former Soviet Union and other countries were socialist.The 

 Party opposes all oppression and discrimination, whether on the basis of gender, nationality, ethnicity, disability, religion or sexual orientation and aims to create a society in which such oppression and discrimination no longer exist. Socialism has to be international. The interests of the working class are the same everywhere. The 

 Party opposes all imperialist wars and military interventions. It rejects the idea that there is a national solution to the problems of capitalism. It stands for the maximum solidarity and cooperation between the working class in Britain and elsewhere. It will work with others across Europe to replace the European Union with a voluntary European federation of socialist societies.The 

 Party aims to win support from the working class and all those who want to bring about the socialist transformation of society, which can only be accomplished by the working class itself acting democratically as the majority in society.The 

 Party aims to win political power to end capitalism, not to manage it. It will not participate in governmental coalitions with capitalist parties at national or local level.So long as the working class is not able to win political power for itself the 

 Party will participate in working-class campaigns to defend all past gains and to improve living standards and democratic rights. But it recognises that any reforms will only be partial and temporary so long as capitalism continues.The 

Party will use both parliamentary and extra-parliamentary means to build support for its ultimate goal – the socialist transformation of society.All elected representatives will be accountable to the party membership and will receive no payment above the average wage of a skilled worker (the exact level to be determined by the party conference) plus legitimate expenses.

I recognise some of the names who have signed it, including contributors to the Weekly Worker.

[ALB]

Looks as if they are already split into 3 factions and the party's not even been set up yet (30 November is the big day):http://links.org.au/node/3473The "socialist platform" seems the least reformist, but is probably drafted by some Trotskyist (and so doesn't mean what it appears to say) and has no chance of being adopted.The "class struggle platform" seems to be another Trotskyist one. I recognise the name of Jeremy Drinkall (who stood against us in Vauxhall at the last general election for Workers Power).See also comment by Hannah:

Quote:

Yeah it’s started. Another divided left party. I can’t believe there are more platforms. Honestly don’t know whether to laugh or cry. This is what puts people off joining. I literally thought the debate was shall we be specifically a socialist party or include everyone left of labour, didn’t realise there would be many groups all trying to take over. A broad left would include most of these points raised on this platform anyway, other than the obvious Workers Power ones. I also thought class struggle was already assumed by both sides…

The other Trotskyist entryists haven't shown their hand yet.

[ALB]

This does strike me as either off topic, non-serious or a joke. Couldn't it be transferred to the general discussion section?

[ALB]

He must suffer from delusions of grandeur (well, he does) if he thinks he's got a chance of becoming Mayor of London. There just aren't enough (Sunni) Muslims in London.

[ALB]

LBird wrote:

Now I know why our stances are different, ALB.My mistake, I've made a gross error, if the SPGB look to Engels' (and Plekhanov, Kautsky and Lenin's) philosophical views of 'materialism'.

As DJP has pointed out, this is wrong inference. The only "philosphical " requirement for joining the SPGB is that you are not religious, i.e. are some sort of materialist. Which of course covers a multitude of sins. Personally, I like Dietzgen and Panneloek. Others like Plekhanov (I don't). There are even people who like Hegel (not me, I'm an anti-Hegelian). I don't think anybody likes Lenin Matertialism and Empirio-Criticism. Some members like Logical Positivism. Basically, as long as you're not religious (or idealist), anything goes (including yours!)  After all, socialism is a practical proposition, not a philosophical one.

[ALB]

The Tories too of course. In fact there seems to be a sort of unofficial sharing of this dirty work between the Tories and Labour, with the Tories targetting "non-White" migrants as the scapegoats while Labour (having the "non-White" vote in their pocket) target "White" ones. I've noticed too that the BBC has joined more in the campaign after they were told off recently for not playing their part enough:http://www.worldsocialism.org/spgb/forum/general-discussion/bbc-told-not-being-populist-enough

[ALB]

Interesting article here on the (generally positive) attitude of the pre-WW1 Socialist Party of Canada to Asian immigrants to British Columbia:http://bataillesocialiste.files.wordpress.com/2007/07/campbell_1999.pdf

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