What now for trade unions?

There are no doubt thousands of trade unionists throughout the country who believe that the third term of office achieved by the Conservatives will spell disaster for the trade union movement.

Since the Conservatives were returned to office in 1979 they have introduced legislation to restrict the ability of trade unionists to take action to defend and improve their living standards. This has occurred when the economic recession has already limited the unions’ effectiveness.

The 1980 and 1982 Employment Acts restricted the right to strike, made individual workers and their unions liable for damages arising from disruption caused by striking and picketing, placed further limitations on picketing and made closed shop agreements still more difficult to achieve. The 1984 Trade Union Act made it compulsory to hold secret ballots for union elections, strike decisions and political funds. The new Conservative administration is committed to further repressive union legislation which will follow proposals outlined in a Green Paper produced earlier this year. If, as is likely, these proposals become law protection for the closed shop will be ended and industrial action to enforce one will be unlawful. Unions will be unable to discipline members who refuse to take part in industrial action. Members will be able to prevent unions calling for industrial action unless they have won majority support in a ballot. Union ballots will have to be fully postal, independently supervised and will apply to the election of union presidents and general secretaries. Trustees of union funds will be bound not to allow funds to be used in contravention of court orders. This will be enforced by a new commissioner for union affairs to help members bring court actions against their unions and there will be new powers for the certification officer.

Effects of economic depression
In the 1970s trade unions seemed to be in a fairly healthy condition. They had been largely able to frustrate attempts by the Heath government to weaken the trade union movement through the Industrial Relations Act of 1971. The miners twice gained major victories over that same government over pay claims in 1972 and 1974. The election of a Labour government in 1974 resulted in the Social Contract 1975-8 but with the breakdown of that agreement a new wave of industrial action broke out in 1978, culminating in strike action by low paid public sector workers in the winter of discontent in 1979. That year saw the victory of the first Thatcher administration from which point the influence of the trade union movement has been in decline. In 1979 trade union membership in Britain stood at 13.5 million; by 1984 it had fallen to just over 11 million and it is now estimated to be around 10 million. The 1980s have seen the defeat in prolonged strikes of what were previously seen to be the most powerful groups of workers, most notably the miners and printers.

In looking at the future prospects for the trade union movement it would be wrong to conclude that the problems of trade unionists are simply due to recent Conservative legislation. As the decline in membership indicates, much of their present weak state is due to the economic depression and this can be shown by looking at previous periods of trade depression. For example in the great depression in the latter part of the nineteenth century membership of TUC affiliated unions fell from 1,192,000 in 1874 to 464,000 in 1881. In the depression between the two world wars union membership fell from 8,337,000 in 1920 to 4,387,000 in 1933. As at the present time, in these periods the working class suffered major defeats, the most notable examples being the collapse of the 1926 General Strike and the subsequent defeat of the seven month coal strike in the same year.

Under capitalism labour power is a commodity. bought and sold on the market and as with all commodities it is subject to economic laws such as demand and supply. At times like the present, when the demand for labour power is low the weapon of industrial action to improve wages and conditions is blunted. The year 1980 saw the lowest number of strikes since 1941. Out of the 11,910,000 working days lost in industrial disputes 8.954,000 were in the metal manufacturing sector and these were almost entirely due to the national steel strike, which accounted for 74 per cent of all working days lost during that year. The return of mass unemployment has meant that workers are unlikely to win strikes particularly long ones. It has also affected the willingness of workers to engage in strike action as those still in work feel insecure. Whereas in the 1950s and 1960s between one in 20 and one in 30 workers were out of a job the proportion since 1982 has been around one in eight.

Divide and rule
These conditions also create divisions in the working class. In the normal respect competition in the labour market is divisive and so hinders working class unity. With the effects of an economic depression this division is further heightened. Unemployment and increased competition for scarce jobs divides workers on the basis of gender since, owing to socialised patterns of belief, a woman’s role in the labour market is regarded as secondary and employment of female labour is seen as being at the expense of male employment. The division of workers along the lines of race also gets worse as black workers are seen to be taking “British jobs” (even though they are most probably “British” themselves). Workers are also divided on the basis of where they live as some regions are worse hit than others. Such an example is the so-called North-South divide. That such a divide exists in the minds of workers was clearly shown in the June election. The major point is that economic conditions reduce the effectiveness of trade union action and in the end these factors are even more important than anti-union legislation.

Popular misconceptions
There can be little doubt that the Conservative policy of reform of the trade union movement was an important factor in their election victory as even after eight years of repressive legislation unions still remain unpopular with much of the electorate. This unpopularity of trade unions is based on three misconceptions — that unions are too powerful and are capable of bringing down elected governments; that part of British capitalism’s economic decline was due to a high level of strike activity; that unions are undemocratic and operate against the interests of their members.

On the first point it is impossible for a government to be brought down by industrial action on its own. even a general strike. In such a situation the repressive and ideological apparatus of the state will remain in control of the government and such action would soon be crushed. In reality strikes are almost entirely due to workers seeking to defend and improve their living standards. For example in the period 1965-74 pay was the dominant reason for strikes; 83.3 per cent of the working days lost due to disputes in that period were due to conflicts over wage related issues. The conflict of the late 1970s after the breakdown of the Social Contract showed a similar pattern. In 1979 3,804,700 out of the 4,120,800 workers involved in strikes were in dispute over issues connected with pay.

Official figures also indicate that Britain is not particularly strike prone. The Department of Employment paper no 15, 1978 Strikes in Britain, showed that on average only two per cent of UK manufacturing plants, employing only 20 per cent of manufacturing workers, experience strikes long enough to be recorded by countries is concerned different analysis shows that in the recent past Britain’s strike record is far from being the worst in the industrialised world. Depending on the data used Britain is sixth or seventh among countries for which adequate information is available.

The third claim is that unions are undemocratic and that members need protection from them. While trade unions may not be perfect models of democratic organisations the Conservative Party and business leaders have nothing to teach them in terms of democratic procedure as an examination of the structure of industrial and financial organisations would soon reveal. Trade unions are organisations of the working class which as long as capitalism exists are needed if workers are not to be completely degraded, even though their ability to protect workers is subject to limitations in times of economic recession.

If workers are to make full use of these organisations of self defence they cannot afford to rely on the so-called democracy imposed from outside. The idea behind the latest Conservative proposals is to weaken working class organisation. What should also be rejected is the new type of unionism — the no strike deals preached by leaders like Hammond — or any moves to divert unions away from their class role. Members do need to gain more control over their unions but this can only come about through participation. involvement and a developing political class consciousness. Pressure for increased union democracy must come from members themselves. Decision making at all levels including decisions regarding industrial action need to be based on democratic discussion and a freeing of information so that members can make decisions on a knowledge of the facts. The election of union officers at all levels requires that members have knowledge of who they are voting for and what the candidates stand for.

Trade unions and capitalism
Workers should join trade unions, take an active role in them. However this defensive battle is one where workers have to run ever faster in order to remain in the same place. History has shown us that these same battles have to be fought over and over again. Instead of simply organising to get the best out of a system where the majority are economically coerced to spend much of their lives in unfulfilling and soul destroying employment, a system where they are treated not as human beings but as economic units who are simply to be used to create values over and above that of their labour power, workers must set themselves a higher goal — creation of a society where the differing skills of the people can be used to benefit society as a whole rather than only a small minority.

On June 11 last the overwhelming majority of the working class, both trade unionists and non-trade unionists, voted for parties committed to maintaining the present system. As expected this election showed that the working class remained down on their knees asking leaders to do their thinking for them. At present the prospects for the trade unions look bleak. With an economic upturn they could improve but at best we can look forward to a continuation of this vicious circle. Only when the working class develop a political awareness of the need to establish a different society that ends minority control of the means of producing the things we need to live, will we begin to see workers creating a different kind of trade union movement. We shall see unions that are democratically controlled by their members, able to defend workers in their struggles within capitalism.

RAY CARR