Forty Years—Lest We Forget
The Socialist Party of Great Britain was started in 1904. During those forty years its speakers, writers, and membership have continuously propounded the need for Socialism as the only solution to the economic problems which confront modern society.
The capitalist or master class realise that the present social set-up has very definite advantages for them as a class; true, they have sectional interests within the class in any national area, and again outside in other national areas. These sectional interests are expressed economically in the competitive world by under-cutting, quota systems, tariffs, etc. If any of these methods are going to be of advantage to a section, they immediately proceed to use all the propaganda channels at their disposal to obtain support trom all and sundry. They recognise full well the need for the support of the majority.
Other sections of the master class endeavour to counter by similar means. The economic conflict takes on a political form. It is a struggle for ascendancy of rival groups. Laws are introduced to aid the section in power and hinder rival sections. What is to the benefit of the section in power is “good,” “moral” etc., and the “national” outlook is the outlook of the ruling section. The opposite viewpoint is “bad,” “immoral,” etc., and very “un-national.” Their ideas—in the main—are in conformity with their economic interests. Taxation, education, religion, and science are all harnessed to the needs of the section in power. Other sections seeking to overthrow them develop arguments to alter the incidence of taxation, suggest alternative educational schemes, deprecate existing religious practices, and either start new religious bodies or alter old tenets to suit their needs. They employ scientific research workers to investigate every avenue against their rivals.
So we have the ideas of sections represented in what is commonly known as the Liberal Press, or the Tory Press, or the Labour Press, etc.
This criss-cross of activities goes on incessantly, and slowly, but nevertheless surely, the big wolves eat up the little wolves. Cartels, amalgamations, national and international agreements are formulated and practised. “Patriotism” extends its boundary lines. New alignments, alliances, etc., give rise to new propaganda, new education, religion, laws and science, on behalf of the big wolves.
The smaller wolves being squeezed out, but fighting to the last, also take on different outlooks than previously. What was previously “good” becomes “bad”; what was “just” becomes “unjust,” “sacred” becomes “profane,” “scientific ” becomes ” unscientific,” ” freedom “—” slavery,” etc. All this topsy-turvy re-evaluation is but a reflex of the topsy-turvy eoonomic relationships prevailing.
Against all this avowedly capitalist outlook and the economic interests from which it arises, the Socialist Party of Great Britain has maintained a solid front of opposition. The S.P.G.B. recognises clearly that all sections of the master class—big or small—are wolves, living off the surplus value taken from the exploited working class, and are beautifully unconcerned at the jubilation of the victorious big wolves, or the whines and supplications of the defeated small wolves. We were established to bring about the abolition of both big and small wolves—i.e., to abolish capitalism,
We recognise the press propaganda, radio lectures, pastoral pleadings, and educational schemes for what they are—an attempt to maintain the economic status quo. We do not blame the master class for using these facilities to bolster up their system; they would be unique if they did not; but we know how it acts as a temporary brake against Socialism. We also know that all the promises will remain unfulfilled, and in ever-increasing numbers the workers will become disillusioned and despondent of capitalism, and more susceptible to Socialist propaganda. The past has been with capitalism. Socialism has the future. How far into the future we shall have to wait depends upon the working class. They can have Socialism when they want it. So much for the avowedly capitalist parties and their interests. But what of the alleged Labour and “Socialist” Parties.
The working class have contested many issues with all sections of the master class. They have struggled on the economic field for higher wages, less hours of toil, and better conditions of employment. They have formed trade unions to aid them. These unions reflected the opinions of the members, and invariably echoed the sectional outlook of the masters who employed them. A change in taxation policy which injured their masters brought forth protests from the workers who thought they would be harmed. Different trade unions had different outlooks. Some wanted Free Trade, others Tariff Reform, etc. The clash between rival sections of the master class had its repercussion in developing similar rivalry within the sections of the working class. This criss-cross of inter-union rivalry threw up its political forms. Support for Tories alternated with support for Liberals. Such combinations as Lib-Lab contested the rival sectional interests with Labour or I.L.P.
Demarcation lines, filching of members, attempts at amalgamation, etc., caused much dispute. All the internal conflicts within the master class had their replica within the unions, until to-day we have large natioual unions with international affiliations.
Likewise, when the various sections of the master class within a geographical area were challenged by “foreign” capitalists, who were attempting to interfere with both large and small national wolves, they forgot their differences and had now a “common” enemy. The “national” interests were at stake. Again this was paralleled in the workers’ organisations. The “nation” was in danger. Employers A might be bad, but Employers B would be worse. This could be correct, but A and B would still be employers.
Confronted by all this activity on the side of capitalism, the Socialist Party of Great Britain have continued their Socialist propaganda. The need for Socialism is becoming clearer to ever-increasing numbers of the working class. More and more are workers seeing the need to look at world events from a class standpoint, and are discarding slowly but surely appeals to nationality, race, colour or religion.
For forty years we have been advised to do something in the meantime (other than to propagate Socialism). What do the meantimers think of their achievements ? On our part we have nothing to retract, nothing to be ashamed of. Our case is as valid to-day as it was in 1904. Our influence is growing. The Party case is breaking through the conspiracy of silence, and eliciting inquiry from increasing numbers of workers. Despite sneers and jeers, we are on the winning side. History of these forty years is sufficient in itself to vindicate the validity of the Socialist case. Socialism is the immediate issue.
ALPHA