Editorials: Secret Diplomacy. The Power to Produce
Most people will remember how fervently the Labour Party protested against Secret Diplomacy immediately after the War. With the cunning of the opportunist politician, its leading spokesmen traced the cause of the war to secret diplomacy, and all the white papers, pink papers and yellow papers were triumphantly flourished as a proof of this contention. Of course, all this was many years ago. Now that the Labour Party has become “The Government,” their attitude to this, as to many other questions, has undergone a change.
The Daily News for the 16th May reports a “scene” in the House of Commons that occurred the previous day, with Mr. Cburchill as the centre.
It appears that Mr. Churchill read a telegram despatched by the Coalition Cabinet to Lord Balfour in 1921, during the Washington Naval Conference. It further appears that no Cabinet document can be read in Parliament without the consent of the King, which implies the consent of the existing Government, which “advises” the King.
When Churchill picked up the paper, “the Prime Minister looked up in surprise, and said in a low voice : ‘Are you going to read it?'” Churchill then read it. Ramsay MacDonald then asked Churchill if the paper had been published, to which a reply in the negative was given. After one or two further questions, Ramsay MacDonald then said : “I happen to know the document. Is this a Cabinet paper, and, if it is, has the right hon. gentleman got the usual leave for the disclosure of Cabinet documents.” Fenner Brockway followed by asking the Speaker if it was in order “for one who has been a member of a previous Cabinet to quote from Cabinet documents.” Lloyd George followed in a similar strain, and finally he and Ramsay MacDonald had a consultation behind the Speaker’s chair.
From this it will be seen that “secret diplomacy” still pursues its old course, and information of it only leaks out when politicians like Churchill don’t “play the game” or, in vulgar language, “play the dirty” ! Mr. MacDonald communicates Cabinet secrets to Liberal and Tory leaders, but not to the general public.
The recuperative powers of modern industry have been fully vindicated by the remarkable position of France eleven years after the war.
In spite of the enormous waste of wealth and loss of man-power during the four years of war, France, according to recent reports, is now being strangled by prosperity ! There are no unemployed worth talking of, and there is a tendency for workers to flock to the easier and better paid occupations, so that, for instance, coal production has seriously slumped In consequence.
A part of France’s opulence is due to the amount they have received from Germany ; under the Dawes Plan they have had over £200,000,000 during the last five years.
Germany has paid heavily in money, labour, and kind since the war to the “victorious” nations, besides harbouring an army of occupation.
How is it with Germany, then? Is Germany sinking under the burden? Not at all. Germany has shouldered the burden and more. She is again attacking the world’s trade routes, both by sea and air, and looks very much like being successful again.
In each case, then, we have an example of the marvellous fecundity of modern industry. When it is also realized how much of the labouring power of to-day is wasted on useless objects, or going over the same greengrocers, and the like, the fruitfulness of industry is seen to be more remarkable still.
Imagine the numberless workers who waste their time in advertising trades, in menial duties for the rich, in military service, and similar occupations; in useless clerical work and salesmanship. If all these workers, including the unemployed and the rich, were devoted to useful occupations wealth would be more abundant still, and would call for a comparatively small amount of effort from each if the work was spread equally over all.
Here, then, is convincing evidence that the sufferings of the workers are not due to any weakness in the capacity to produce wealth, and also exposes the hollowness of the plea of the nationaliser, except that nationalization produces larger profits.
The workers’ attention should, therefore, be directed to securing an alteration in the distribution of wealth. The distribution, of course, depends upon the method of production. The method of production to-day is by means and instruments of production that are privately owned. By converting these privately-owned means into social property the workers will then reap the benefit of the energy they put into the production of wealth, and will also reap a good deal of much-needed leisure and freedom from worry.
When the workers decide to secure this fundamental change there will be no need for Labour sponsored cotton weeks, silk weeks, leather weeks, wool weeks, or any of the other Canute-like or cute dodges with which the employing class try to throw dust in the workers’ eyes.