ALB
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It seems that some Trotskyist groups within LU are also uniting (wisely not having anything to do with the Weekly Worker/"CPGB" lot):http://www.cpgb.org.uk/home/weekly-worker/online-only/regroupment-conference-april-26-bulletin-no-1
It seems likely that the so-called Harmony Party will be standing. They were registered on 1 April, but the variants of their name don't sound very harmonious (unless they are an April Fool):
Quote:Zero Immigration, Anti-EU, Pro-JobsZero Immigration, Out EU, Staying BritishZero Immigration, More Jobs, Anti-GlobalizationJust noticed this on the TUSC site describing some of those standing under their banner:
Quote:And candidates who are members of organisations not currently part of the TUSC coalition – a couple of Labour Party members (not for much longer!), and some who are members of Left Unity or Respect, who have taken up TUSC's offer to participate in the campaign with the same rights as other candidates to promote their organisationsI recognise one candidate in Barnet and another in Exeter who I know have dual membership of both LU and TUSC (as members of the Independent Socialist Network). I thought the recent LU conference voted against their members standing as TUSC or at least against endorsing this. (Incidentally, a SPEW member I met at local hustings meeting in Lambeth last Saturday ventured the opinion that LU wouldn't last a year because most of its members were members of other groups too).We'll know more when the lists of nominated candidates are published on 24 April (next Thursday).
That's interesting. I see that's what happened is that the party registered since March 2013 as the "Left Party" has changed its name to "Left Unity".The other descriptions registered are revealing:
Quote:fighting racism and warbuild hospitals and schoolsfor equality and no to discriminationLeft Unity PartyLeft PartyFree and inclusive education of ALLsocialist, feminist, environmentalistjobs not bombsAnyway, congratulations are in order. LU has finally decided to put its money where its mouth is. We will see (and scrutinise!) the results.
I don't think we should adopt the term "monopoly capitalism" since, as you point out, it was a favourite of the old "Communist" parties where it had a definite political significance. The French Communist Party interpreted it in a "popular front" fashion to mean that everybody, including non-monopoly capitalists, should unite against the monopoly capitalists. I think a residue of this can still be found in the policy/strategy of the Morning Star and the CPB.
The nominations and deposit were handed in to the Returning Officer in Southampton yesterday and accepted. While I was there I came across a SPEW literature stall and gave them a few of our election leaflets. One said "but that's the same name as us" (yes, it is). I also managed to establish that No2EU won't be standing in the South East Region. Not enough money, they said but they weren't keen on that title anyway and their priority seems to be to get a local Labour councillor who defected to TUSC re-elected.
stuartw2112 wrote:Not that I'm comparing myself to Jesus or anything…But Cameron does. So let's cricify him. Or maybe first let him try to multiply leftover loaves from Tesco's to supply 5000 food banks.
james19 wrote:I got back, IMF say that the UK economy is set to grow by 2.9%. That Osborne is doing something right?Nothing to do with Osborne's policy. Sooner or later capitalism always spontaneously recovers from a slump, so this will happen anyway. He'll just claim the credit for something over which the government has no control as governments can't control the way capitalism works. It's the other way round: governments have to react and accomodate themselves to what capitalism does.
A comrade has pointed out that we reviewed two of Simon Clarke's books in the February 1995 issue of the Socialist Standard. The first Marx's Theory of Crisis was given a fairly favourable review but not the second What about the Workers? Workers and the Transition to Capitalism in Russia because, as the title suggested, it argued that Russia was something other than capitalism before the so-called "collapse of Communism" (which for us was the collapse of Russian state capitalism). Unfortunately, the review is not yet online but I could scan it if anyone is interested.
I think he is talkimg about the 'uneven development' of different industries within a capitalist economy with some expanding faster or slower than others, not about the uneven development of capitalism in different parts of the world.
I think he's making the point that you can't predict which industrial sector will overproduce nor whether this will have a knock-in effect leading to a crisis and a more widespread overproduction. Some (Ernst Mandel, for instance) have argued that it will always occur in the consumer goods sector. Clarke makes the point that this ain't necessarily so but could occur in any industry, at least in any key industry. It depends on the industry's weight in the economy.
Actually, in the Communist Manifesto Marx acknowledged that at the time a bourgeois revolution would have to proceed any communist (or socialist) revolution. His mistake was to assume that, in 1848+, this would be followed fairly rapidly by a 'proletarian revolution' in which the working class would gain control of political power even if they wouldn't be able to bring in communism immediately. But can we blame blokes in their 20s for being over-optimistic?I hope others are following this premature discussion and will join in now that the ball is in play.
I see what you mean. The 3 or 4 paragraphs before section 1. I suppose we could discuss whether or not it was so in 1848 that communism was a sepectre haunting Europe. I suspect not but that the spectre was rather political democracy (ie universal male suffrage electing a law-making body that controlled the executive in place of the various authoritarian dynastic regimes). There, I've jumped the gun and already started discussing when I shouldn't have done.
Yes, agreed that this, especially sections 5, 6 and 7, is a very clear exposition of the 'disproportionality' theory of crises setting out how and why disproportionality inevitability develops from (unpredictable) time to time. The earlier sections, pointing out the inadequacies of the 'falling rate of profit' theory as an explanation for crises (as opposed to being a long-run, secular tendency) are good too. Not so sure about sections 8 and 9 on the role of credit.
We already know that the Scargill Labour Party will be fielding a list in Wales. So, according to this, is No2EU. Presumably on exactly the same programme since the head of their list is none other than Rob Griffiths, the Secretary General of the Communist Party of Britain. So it looks as if the Stalinist vote will be split.
