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The
present Labour government appears to have run out of steam, but
trading one group of career politicians for another is not the
answer.
An
astute observer once said “governments are not elected…they are
dismissed”. According to this view, after a party has had a period
in power the electorate consciously aims to get rid of it by voting
for a rival party in a decision regarded as the “lesser of two
evils”. And it is undoubtedly true that every government –
regardless of political banner – has always ended by alienating the
electorate that once supported it. Many voters believe politicians
are dishonest or have become cynical about elections, reasoning that
“60-seconds of democracy” is small recompense for five years of
neglect and policies that rarely express their preferences. If
elections are so meaningless, some reflect, then there can be little
point in voting - a sentiment borne out by low electoral turnout.
Despite
being unable to find lasting solutions to workers’ problems,
political parties must always try to combat voter disillusionment.
Behaving like chameleons, they must search for ways to improve their
image, reinvigorate old policies and give the appearance that this
time things will be different, this time the electorate
will be given exactly what it wants. Before the 1997 general election
the Labour Party successfully engineered its own metamorphosis,
re-branding policies and redefining its agenda. The commitment to
nationalisation enshrined in the 1918 Party constitution was
abolished and Trade Union influence over policy – always more
mythical than real – was publicly abandoned. Its image, thus
transformed, seemed revitalised and business, media and the
electorate acclaimed the party that now called itself New Labour.
But
nine years after the Labour Party was enthusiastically swept into
government, the same electorate cannot wait to dismiss them.
Reviewing the May local elections results the Electoral Reform
Society concluded the Labour government faces “wipe-out” in the
next general election and “predicts that Labour stand to lose 149
of its present 355 MPs bringing its commons strength down to 206 –
even worse than 1983”. Ministers have responded with conciliatory
messages that Labour will listen more closely in future and, in the
words of John Prescott, “renew itself after nine years in
government”.(Observer, 28 May)
In
the third week of June this year, Labour’s tattered image took
another knock when an Ipsos Mori poll revealed that one in four
Labour supporters wants their party to lose the next election. The
poll deduced that “the leadership is becoming increasingly divorced
from its own grass roots, 23 per cent agree Labour should be kicked
out of power”. Supporters wanted the party to experience “a
period out of office to rethink what they stand for and what their
vision is for the future”. A majority of those polled expects the
next general election to end with either a hung parliament or a Tory
majority, believing a re-launched Conservative Party to be more in
touch with what ordinary people think. In the wake of hospital
cutbacks, Home Office scandals and the ‘peerages for cash’
fiasco, Hazel Blears conceded, “the voters are angry that we have
taken our eye off the ball”. (Observer, 18 June).
At
the end of June, Labour Party fortunes went from bad to worse. In the
double election in Blaenau Gwent – where Parliamentary and Welsh
Assembly by-elections were held simultaneously – an embittered
electorate took revenge by voting down both Labour Party candidates.
The elections were prompted by the death of Peter Law, who had
defected from Labour and succeeded in overturning a 19,000 Labour
majority in 2005. Until it was lost, Blaenau Gwent, whose past MPs
include Aneurin Bevan and Michael Foot, was regarded as Labour’s
safest seat. Defeat in the Assembly election denied Labour of the
majority it hoped to regain in the Welsh Assembly.
The
wave of disillusionment is not just confined to Labour voters,
however, with disaffection spreading inside the Labour Party itself.
Labour Party membership has declined dramatically since 1997 and is
now below the 200,000 mark - the lowest level since Ramsay MacDonald
split the party in the 1930s. The membership has grown weary of being
implicated in what the media call a “conspiracy of lies,” and
resentful of arrogant leadership. A YouGov poll presented to the
Compass conference on 17 June found that only 25 percent of Labour
Party members believe they influence Party policy, while three-quarters
felt policy had been hijacked by rich donors whose influence
has grown as membership has shrunk. The Labour Party, desperately
short of funds and like many of the electorate struggling with debt –
estimated at £27 million –, must either depend on
millionaires or turn to state funding, a move not popular with the
public.
Aware
of growing hostility, many senior members are distancing themselves
from Prime Minister Blair by announcing that the Labour Party under
Brown’s leadership will revitalise itself and re-brand unpalatable
policies. “The trouble with the current approach is that we will
go out of power for 15 years,” grumbled Michael Willis, speaking to
the Compass conference. Like many, he blames Iraq and Blair’s
presidential style for the electorate’s resentment. (Guardian,
19 June). Every effort is being made to show ‘clear water’
between Labour under Blair and what Labour might be like under Brown.
“Too many traditional Labour supporters felt the government had
taken their goodwill for granted and said government was getting more
difficult,” said Ed Balls, Economic Secretary to the Treasury.
Brown’s political allies promise greater Party equality, reducing
dominance of Whitehall and “restoring progressive politics.”
(Guardian, 19 June)
But
if forecasters can be believed it now seems likely, irrespective of
who actually leads the Party, that Labour will lose the next general
election. Yet does it really matter which party forms the next
government?
Capitalism
is a splintered society; divided not just by sectional ownership of
the means of production but by the economic rivalry of independent
states striving to exercise authority over given geographical areas.
Conventional political parties endorse the framework of capitalism
and compete to win control over the state and to administer the
economic system within its boundaries, which necessarily means
perpetuating the wages system and the persistent hardship for wage
and salary earners. The policies propounded by these parties are
similar because they are manifestations of the same political
imperative – a continuation of capitalism – and are
distinguishable only to the extent that they propose different
organisation methods to administer the same economic system.
Voters
vote governments out because they appear incompetent, incapable of
finding solutions to the daily problems that confronts wage and
salary earners. But government can never solve these problems because
their permanent solution lies only in the abolition of capitalism and
the wages system. Economic laws that politicians are powerless to
change and leave little room for manoeuvre determine what politicians
do and how they must react. It is not the deceitfulness of
politicians that is the problem but rather the economic structure of
society.
But
it is not just political parties that refuse to think outside the
framework of capitalism. Most wage and salary earners rarely question
the structure of society and passively support the system that always
works against them. In misguided expressions of defiance that flow
from frustration and lack of understanding, voters repeatedly swap
Labour governments for Conservative, or Conservative governments for
Labour - as they have on seven separate occasions since the second
world war – in the hope that it will somehow make a difference.
They are always disappointed by the outcome. Mandating a political
party to administer capitalism means that workers surrender political
power to their class enemy and condone the continuation of their own
exploitation, their insecurity and their poverty - a lesson that
workers seem unable to grasp as the same mistake is slavishly
repeated over and over again.
But
while trading one group of careerist politicians for another can
never be the answer, changing
society’s economic structure is the only answer.
Capitalism
exists only because workers allow it to exist. Changing the structure
of society, however, is not as simple as changing
political
allegiance to a party. Capitalism is based firmly on a principle of
leadership, where a minority in secret makes decisions and the
excluded majority is told what they should do and how they should
think. Changing the world’s economic structure by converting the
means of production from class ownership to common ownership requires
that workers individually understand
what they want and actively
combine to change their condition. Socialism
cannot be delivered by
leaders and is achievable only by the concerted
action of a
politically conscious mass movement without direction or leaders, for
only then will the majority become the decision-makers.
The
task may be daunting but must begin somewhere. Workers would do well
to start by considering whether capitalism – under any
political party - is really the future they want.
STEVE
TROTT
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