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That was then
In the mid-1980s unemployment was at its highest level since the 1930s.
It was then that a newly elected young Scottish Labour MP decided to
turn his university thesis into a book called, simply, Maxton, about
James Maxton, a leftwing firebrand who was the leader of the now
defunct Independent Labour Party in the 1920s and 30s.
The author showed a wide knowledge of the history of the working class
movement in Scotland, discussing syndicalism, De Leonism, Leninism,
Trotskyism and the like, as well as indicating that he had read some
Marx. He showed a particular interest in the programme for dealing with
unemployment that Maxton and his fellow Red Clydesider John Wheatley
had worked out in the 1920s, and which they presented as a “middle way”
between “MacDonaldism” (the inevitability of gradualism) and
“Communism”.
“Even before MacDonald became Prime Minister, the Clydesiders had come
to two conclusions. The first was that the main reason for unemployment
was the lack of demand within the British economy and that only
increased working-class purchasing power could remedy this. The second
was that . . . [the] Government must plan and control imports and
exports in the national interest.”
The author described this programme as “credible” and a “socialist way
of spending out of a slump”. The clear indication was that something
similar was the way to end the unemployment and poverty of 1980s
Britain. The author was one Gordon Brown, who later moved on to higher
things.
Of course it
wouldn’t have worked. Slumps are not caused by “underconsumption” by
workers. Marx had already dismissed Maxton’s – and Brown’s 1980s –
solution:
“It is pure tautology to say that crises are provoked by a lack of
effective demand or effective consumption . . . The fact that
commodities are unsaleable means no more than that no effective buyers
have been found for them, i.e. no consumers (no matter whether the
commodities are ultimately sold to meet the needs of productive or
individual consumption). If the attempt is made to give this tautology
the semblance of greater profundity, by the statement that the working
class receives too small a portion of its own product, and that the
evil would be remedied if it received a bigger share, i.e. if its wages
rose, we need only note that crises are always prepared by a period in
which wages generally rise, and the working class does receive a
greater share in the part of the annual product destined for
consumption. From the standpoint of these advocates of sound and
‘simple’ (!) common sense, such periods should rather avert the crisis”
(Capital, Vol 2, chap. 20, section 4).
Governments cannot spend their way out of slump. Slumps end when wages
and capital values fall enough to increase the rate of profit again.
All that governments can do is to help this process. The Labour leaders
who Maxton – and Brown – criticised, Ramsay MacDonald and his
Chancellor of the Exchequer, Philip Snowden, accepted this. Their
argument was that, without a mandate for socialism (even in the
confused and mistaken Labour Party sense), all a Labour government
could do was to manage capitalism – on its terms. Which was true and
what they tried to do.
When Brown himself became Chancellor in 1997 – less than ten years
after the publication of the paperback edition of his book – he behaved
in the same way as Snowden (who went over to the Tories with MacDonald
in 1931), not Maxton, would have done. Facing with the task of managing
capitalism, he too was a pillar of financial orthodoxy, prudent and an
economic liberal, giving priority to profit-making. Perhaps when he
retires he’ll write a book called Snowden.
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