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The Revolution that wasn’t
What might have
happened if, forty years ago, workers in France had taken over the
factories and tried to keep production going.
1968 saw an outbreak
of protest in various parts of the World. Much of
it was very violent and the main thrust of this protest was in France
and in America, where a longer-term campaign was being pursued. To a
lesser extent, again, some of them very violent, demonstrations took
place in Germany and in this country.
No doubt there were some links between these various protests but it
was also true that the background in each country was very different.
For example, in America there was the civil rights movement being
organised by blacks, and of course there was no element of this in what
was happening here or in France. The civil rights movement was
beginning to find its feet in Northern Ireland; here again, the
background was different with its strong element of catholic/protestant
conflict.
In Europe, many of the main activists were Trotskyists or anarchists.
In America the hippy movement was much stronger than it was here. One
common feature was the protest against the Vietnam War and this was
linked with the opposition to nuclear weapons. So if we are to remember
1968 as a year of world wide protest and demonstrations, we must also
acknowledge that these were not the actions of a world-wide coherent
movement; these events erupted at the same time as a result of
different and widely dispersed elements. In retrospect, perhaps the
spontaneity of these events gave them their immediate strength, but the
lack of any cohesion was their longer-term weakness.
In some ways, the ideas which were coming forward were very welcome,
especially ideas being produced by the hippy movement which were a
reaction to the soul-destroying life of wage slavery with its pursuit
of material things. I remember reading a book by Jack Kerouac in which
he railed against what he called the ‘white furniture’ culture. By this
he meant that people were selling their human soul in order to acquire
refrigerators, washing machines and these sorts of objects on which
they mistakenly focused all their hopes for happiness.
Well, of course you could only agree with this outlook, and it was very
welcome to see these ideas being popularised. What was slightly
irritating was that these ideas were being put forward as if they were
some sort of revelation. In fact socialists had been talking about this
for years. Since the 1950s we’d had access to the Economic and
Philosophic Manuscripts of Marx, and we’d been talking about the
alienation of man in practical contexts. We had been talking about the
“sterility of the consumer culture” for years and arguing that
individual self-realisation could only be achieved on a basis of common
ownership, and where you had people working in direct cooperation with
each other to provide for each other’s needs.
The trouble was that Jack Kerouac hadn’t been reading the Economic
Manuscripts of 1844, he had been reading some ancient Buddhist
manuscripts. So, this very useful development of ideas was diverted
into some regurgitated version of Buddhism, flower power and the drugs
scene.
Socialists like myself had been active for years throughout the 1950s
and what we had suffered from was a most appalling complacency. We
couldn’t get a meeting or a debate; there was almost no interest in
politics; the social aspirations of people seemed to have become
totally trivialised. People only seemed to be concerned about buying a
television or a second hand car on hire purchase.
So when there were various stirrings, first perhaps with CND, events in
Hungary and the Suez crisis, we were able to feel that people did care
after all, Of course as these were able to gather momentum during the
1960s this brought about a very changed situation and it was most
welcome. Against this it has to be said that there was disappointment
as we say this healthy indignation being diverted into lines of action
which we argued would be unproductive.
One of the ideas being pursued by many activists in the 1960s was the
aim of workers’ control. A lot of people still believe that we can
achieve an advance towards socialism as a result of workers taking over
their places of work, the factories etc., bringing them under their
control and operating them in their own interests.
It’s quite true that in 1968, in France, at one point, over 9 million
workers were on strike: industry was at a standstill and hundreds of
factories had been occupied by strikers. Some people thought that
industry in France was on the brink of being taken over by the workers.
In fact this was not the case. For one thing, although it was in the
minds of Trotskyist activists, it was not in the minds of the trade
unions in France to establish a system of workers’ control. They took
over the factories, and others went on strike, so as to press their
demands for wage increases and other improvements in conditions. When
these demands were largely met, they resumed normal working.
Another reason why industry in France was not on the brink of being
taken over by the workers is of course that the forces of the state
would never have allowed them to do it. There was the usual heroic talk
about smashing the state, but the workers had no intention of smashing
the state and even if they did have that intention they would have
failed.
It has to be said that in all the violent confrontations which took
place between demonstrators and the various police groups, even in
France, the force of the state was only used minimally. You had the
very vicious CIS—the special riot police—but the armed forces in their
tens of thousands, with all the firepower at their disposal, were
always in reserve and not brought into use.
At the time, the activists said that the reason for the failure had
been the failure of the mass of workers to support the objective of
workers’ control. So they came out of it still believing that their
theory of revolution had not been tested - many
people still believing in the theory today.
..Continued next page 12
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