Myths
about house prices
There
are problems with houses as a store of value in that they are an
illiquid asset (you cannot convert them into cash easily) and, other
things being equal, merely buying and selling them is what economists
would call a ‘zero sum game’ – and not even this if
costs and taxes are taken into account. This is, of course, unless
you can (profitably) add value to them in other ways, are wealthy
enough to own more than the one you live in and can sell at a real
profit to the original price paid, or you sell up and move somewhere
prices are cheaper on a like-for-like basis.
Spurred
on by the popular press and relentless so-called ‘property
porn’ programmes on television, myths about houses and UK house
prices abound, the following probably being the most prevalent, and
illustrative of the present speculative bubble:
House
prices never go down
Buy-to-let
is a sure-fire winner
Renting
is ‘dead money’.
The
idea that house prices never go down is as bizarre as the notion that
stock markets never fall. And it is just as incorrect, redolent of
the kind of short-sighted mania that occurs during any bubble, from
the ‘tulip-mania’ affecting Dutch tulip bulbs of the 17th
century to the recent ‘dot com’ crash. The United States
– which has had far higher levels of home ownership than
Britain over the last 150 years or so – has seen several house
price crashes, including after the bubbles of the 1830s, 1880s, 1920s
and 1970s. A Florida mansion, for instance, bought in 1925 during the
bubble of the ‘roaring twenties’ would not have reached
its initial buying price again until forty years later.
Since
the increase in home ownership in the UK over recent decades, a
similar pattern has emerged. Just as with the stock market, the
overall price trend may be upwards, but with some very noticeable
periods of decline. The picture is sometimes partially obscured by
the effects of general inflation, but once this is stripped away, it
is clear.
For
instance, the property boom of the early 1970s led to an 18.1 percent
fall in house prices in real terms (i.e. taking inflation in account)
between 1975-77. When the recession of the early 1980s hit, real
house prices fell again. As unemployment took off to the highest
levels since the Second World War, between 1979-82 house prices fell
17 percent (accounting for inflation). Then, as house ownership
spread among the working class under the Thatcher government and
levels of indebtedness soared to pay for it, the biggest crash was
the most recent one in the 1990s, plunging millions of people into
‘negative equity’, where their houses were worth less
than their outstanding mortgages, ending with hundreds of thousands
of homes being re-possessed by the banks.
On
this occasion, house prices fell 37.3 percent in real terms from
their peak during the ‘Lawson boom’ in 1989 and didn’t
recover fully on this measure until the beginning of 2002 (using the
nominal ‘headline’ figures, the average UK house price in
1989 peaked at ú62,782 and eventually rose above this level
again in early 1998, but this doesn’t take inflation into
account as ú62,782 was worth considerably less in 1998 than it
was in 1989). The bottom of this crash was in late 1993, and after
that the housing market first started to recover, and then soared, to
the extent that the average UK house is now around ú180,000,
an increase in real terms of over 150 percent since the 1993 low (all
figures supplied by, or calculated from, the Nationwide Building
Society quarterly surveys). This is over three times the rate at
which the UK economy as a whole grew during the same period.
As
a housing bubble, it is unparalleled in the history of the UK
economy. Apart from the usual cyclical upswing and the relative boom
in the UK economy over the last decade, it has been fuelled by two
other factors. The first is the particular, continued expansion of
the financial services sector centred in London and the South-East,
which has had a ‘ripple effect’ on house prices across
the country. The second has been the ‘buy-to-let’
bonanza, whereby people, realising that owning just the one house
isn’t the best way of taking advantage of a rising market,
borrow speculatively to buy two or more instead, hoping that the
rental yield from the houses purchased will cover their massively
increased mortgage payments. This development has, in turn, partly
been sustained by the influx of migrant labour from Eastern Europe
which has provided a rental market when most people in the UK have
been encouraged to buy.
While
historically it has often been the case that it is cheaper to take
out a mortgage than rent (one of the few advantages of mortgages is
that they are a cheaper form of debt than most), nevertheless this
has not always been so. The over-supply of rental accommodation in
many areas is such that is now cheaper to rent than to buy, and the
rental yield received by the ‘buy-to-let’ brigade (the
market rent for property divided by its price) is currently falling
to around 4 percent.
Unsustainable
debt
How
has this house price bubble been financed? Purely and simply through
debt, and increasing amounts of it. The two best measurements of the
growing indebtedness underpinning UK housing market rises are average
incomes as a proportion of average house prices, and the average
multiple of income allowed by banks and building societies when they
agree mortgage levels with house buyers.
The
average house price to average earnings ratio tends to increase
notably during housing bubbles as prices rise at rates that far
outstrip any growth in incomes. The long-term UK average has been for
house prices to be around 3.5 times average earnings, though in the
early-mid 1970s bubble this rose to over 4.5 times earnings, and in
the late 1980s bubble to just under five times earnings. Today, it
stands at nearly seven times average earnings.
The
salary multiples which banks and building societies use to determine
how much
they will lend
house purchasers when they grant mortgages
has also increased massively. This had to happen because house prices
have risen far more than wage increases. In the 1970s it was rare
for
financial institutions to issue mortgages that were greater than
three times household income, then it went up to four times income in
the 1980s until Abbey confirmed what many knew to be a reality last
year when they admitted that they (and others) now lend at multiples
of five times income, placing a massive financial burden on those
with mortgages. What this huge indebtedness means is that the risk of
default on mortgages, including mortgages for ‘buy-to-let’,
is now significant; but this is a risk financial institutions have
taken in the hope that rising house prices can be maintained forever.