an opportunity to be
creative herself....Continued from previous page
The
happy slave syndrome
In
a similar way, I think that we project our capacities into money, we
imagine that money holds great powers, although in reality those
powers belong to us.
We
have the ability, all of us, working together as citizens of the
world, to run the world together democratically, as equals, with no
need for money or other forms of domination. But we act as if we
don’t. We project our own functions and capacities into
money, we attribute those qualities to money and deny them in
ourselves. Money is endowed with the same sort of status as a god,
it seems to be the source of everything; but of course we are,
as the people of the world, self-evidently, the source of
everything. Nothing comes from money; money is an agreed
convention; it’s a fiction that holds and wields all the power we
can’t bear to own. We are like our fictitious piano woman – she
could play the piano but she sees all of that in her
daughter. The analogy is that we could run the world, but we
let money run it instead.
We
also project into money our adult capacities and onto money the
status of a parent on whom we depend. In relation to money it is as
if adults are babies or small children, unable to judge whether we
need something or not. It is money, the stern parent, that tells us
we can’t have things. This parent can be so stern that for many of
us money refuses us enough to eat, refuses us medical care. It can
deny us the barest dignity in old age, or even life itself. When we
can’t have something we need, we say ‘Where’s the money going
to come from?’ And this can apply equally to goods which are, in
reality, either plentiful or scarce.
It
works the other way too. We assume that our wants are limitless and
that, if money weren’t an obstacle, we’d just accumulate things
endlessly and not know when to stop. Money then can be an
overindulgent parent, that lets us be completely spoilt, that offers
us no limits. Money can give us victory over the social and human
limitations that come from considering others. If you’ve got
enough money you don’t have to give any thought at all to other
people, and in this society that’s just about the highest form of
freedom we can imagine. When we are living in a wasteful and
reckless way, we say ‘We are prosperous now and this is what we
want! Nobody can tell us what to do!’
So
the centre of decision making is located outside ourselves. If we
can’t afford it we can’t have it, and if we can afford it we have
to have it.
Money
starves us or it fattens us up, but either way, it is money that is
in control, enabling our labour to be siphoned off and gathered
together as profit.
This
oppresses us, but it also frees us of responsibility. If we project
our power elsewhere then we are excused the work of taking
responsibility for it. Living in a socialist society, having assumed
our own power, will indeed be hard work and a lot of it will
unfortunately be the boring slog of going to meetings and trying to
sort out our relationships with each other socially, and make
decisions. In a sense, we don’t want to grow up – far better to
leave it to the parents to tell us what to do, while we just gripe
from the sidelines.
The
second defence mechanism I’d like to discuss is that of
‘identification’. To ‘identify’ means we fuse or confuse our
identity with that of another. For example, I might watch a Clint
Eastwood film and feel, for a while at least, as if I too am hewn
from granite. But it also means the taking in of another person, so
that I might recognise enduring traits in me that are like my own
father or mother, for example.
In
this case of our adjustment to capitalism, we identify with the
powerful. We prefer to imagine that we are all pocket capitalists.
Instead of recognising that the owners of capital might be using us,
we imagine ourselves to be in control, and the owners of capital to
be our servants. We think we are sophisticated, knowing consumers
who know a bargain when we see one, and companies exist to meet our
every caprice and whim, rather than the reverse.
Campaign
groups try to publicise the exploitation of suppliers that is the
cost of low prices to ‘the consumer’. I wonder whether,
identified with the capitalist class, we in some way enjoy
supermarkets acting as our agents in pushing other working class
people to the limit so we can feel we’re getting a bargain. Isn’t
there a seductive joy in being able to feel like the oppressor, like
a proxy slave owner with all these poor little people slaving away so
we can pick our week’s shopping off the shelves? And what about the
fast food customer bullying and patronising the person serving the
burgers? Isn’t there an element of acting like the lord of the
manor in that behaviour? Isn’t that part of the deal, that you get
to boss somebody about?
However,
the supermarkets’ own marketing patter describes our slavery
accurately enough, though they put it in advertising code . They
describe us as ‘discerning consumers with an eye for price’; decoded,
that means that we’re broke and overwhelmed with debt. They say we are
‘leading today’s high pressure, busy lives’.
That means we’re overworked, sweated labour just like in Dickens’
time, but repackaged as living some kind of exciting fast-lane
lifestyle. We’re not even consumers, not really. The capitalist
is the ultimate consumer. The cost of our labour is the total value
of keeping us going, keeping us fed, housed, entertained and all the
rest of it, so low prices in the shops means that we are cheaper too.
The rich are sophisticated consumers of our labour and they
certainly know a bargain when they see one.
My
argument, in short, is that we are characterologically adapted to the
capitalist system; that we feel no need to get rid of it because of
the firmness of our defences against knowing just how merciless it
really is. How could it be otherwise, when we have created it and
lived in it for so long? This view has the virtue of explaining why
we stubbornly hold onto this exhausting, murderous society of rich
and poor, user and used; but I can see how it might appear to be a
pessimistic outlook.
However,
I don’t think it is. It seems to me that that hope lies in a
paradox here; paradoxically it is in admitting our slavery that our
freedom lies.
Our
difficulty is in realising that, no matter how seductive the consumer
society is, we are still wage slaves, and our lives are lived, as
Fromm says, ‘for purposes outside ourselves’. And it seems to
me that if enough of us were to face up to that seemingly unbearable
fact, and start to take back our capacities and set about using them,
then that could be the beginning of the end for capitalism. It could
also be the beginning of a completely new system, where our common
purpose is the fullest development of every single person in the
world.
PETER
RIGG

The
way the world can feed itself
That
was the headline of an article in the Sunday Times (27 April)
by their Economics Editor David Smith. The way he endorsed was
allowing “large, technologically
sophisticated agro companies” to take
over food production from peasant farmers in Africa and elsewhere.
Yes, but what will happen to the millions of dispossessed peasants
this would create? How will they be able to get money to buy food?
But at least he conceded that it is technically feasible to produce
enough food to feed the world’s
population.
It
might have been expected that the recent increase in the world market
price of wheat and rice and the resulting food riots in Haiti and
other countries would lead to a revival of the views of the Reverend
Thomas Malthus, the 18th English parson turned economist,
who argued that world poverty and starvation are due to
overpopulation, to not being able to produce enough food for
everyone. But no. All the pundits and all the spokespersons of
international capitalist institutions such as the World Bank and the
UN World Food Programme (WFP) seem agreed that the problem is not
that enough food cannot be produced to feed the hungry, but that the
hungry cannot afford to pay for the food that has already been
produced. As Peter Smerdon, Africa spokesman for the WFP put it in
an interview with the Times (8 April):
“it
is not a question of availability as one saw in previous
drought-induced famines. ‘People can
suddenly no longer afford the food they see on store shelves because
prices are beyond their reach. It is about accessibility . . .’”
In
fact, it seems to be generally admitted that food production could be
increased and, indeed, will be increased in response to high prices.
David
Smith made the same point we made here in February:
“Set-aside
subsidies have been an important part of the common agricultural
policy. Farmers have been paid not to produce. Last September,
however, EU ministers agreed on a zero set-aside rate for 2007-8, to
boost grain production by 10m tons”.
Meanwhile
in rice-growing Thailand:
“Fields
that have lain fallow are being ploughed and planted; in wet and
fertile central Thailand . . . farmers are contemplating three or
even four harvests a year, beyond the usual one or two”
(Times, 28
April).
This
raises the question of why in a world where there is mass hunger in
some parts – 1 billion in “absolute
poverty” and a further 854 million who
are “food insecure”
(Times 8 April) – this
land wasn’t
used before to produce more wheat or rice. The answer is obvious: it
wasn’t profitable, the price wasn’t
high enough.
The
ironic thing is that this extra food production will not benefit
those in “absolute poverty”
since they still won’t be able to afford
to buy it. And if prices fall again, as they might well do since the
rise is partly due to a speculative boom amongst commodity traders,
then the land will be taken out of production again. That’s
the way the market works. But what a way to run the world.
There
is an obvious solution: produce food directly for people to eat. But,
first, the land and all the rest of the world’s
resources, industrial as well as natural, will have to stop being the
private property of rich individuals, multinational corporations and
states and become the common heritage of all humanity. On this basis
enough food could rapidly be produced to eliminate starvation
immediately and, within a few years, to provide every man, woman and
child on the planet with an adequate diet.
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