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There are few political debates currently
occurring of any real significance to the majority of the world's
population. The debate concerning the nature of a post-capitalist
economy ranks as the most important on the revolutionary agenda.
Thus, we present recent correspondence between ourselves and the
author of the book Parecon: Life After Capitalism.
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Parecon
or socialism?
The
review of Parecon: Life After Capitalism, appearing in February
Socialist Standard, was troubling. The review says
the economic system proposed in the book called participatory
economics, or parecon for short, permits profits, just not excessive
profits. But in parecon there are no owners. In fact there are no
classes. More, no one earns income based on ownership of any kind.
There are, therefore, no profits - none.
Yes, society produces
a social product. Yes, some plants produce a total value of output
greater, and in some cases even much greater, than the total value of
their inputs, including their labor. But, no, this does not enrich
anyone associated with those plants relative to the incomes, say, of
people working at plants that are far less productive. Remuneration
is uncorrelated to value of output save that people must do socially
valuable labor to be remunerated for labor at all. What the reviewer
says about profit affecting wages, etc., in parecon, is simply about
some other system...unless the reviewer is saying, if total output
for a parecon is lower, average income is lower, which is, of course,
a truism, having zero to do with profits, which don't exist in a
parecon.
The reviewer says,
incredibly, that getting rid of
private ownership of production, markets, top down decision making,
the corporate division of labor, and remuneration for property and
power, the core economic institutions of capitalism, and replacing
them with self managing workers and consumers councils, balanced job
complexes, remuneration for duration, intensity, and onerousness of
labor, and participatory planning, the core economic institutions of
parecon - is correcting political dimensions, but not economics. I
doubt the reviewer read the book. It is confined to addressing
economic dimensions, not the polity.
I suspect that this
reviewer thinks that because in parecon there are income, wages, and
valuations - prices - it must be capitalism. This marks a major
confusion. A letter I received from the host periodical signed off,
"Yours for a moneyless, wageless world of common ownership."
This too, is troubling.
In
this world you desire to attain
there is, I presume, production. Likewise, I assume you agree that
people will consume. More, beyond production and consumption, is
there some regulation of what is produced and in what quantity? The
alternative would be that anyone can produce anything, with no
concern other than that they wish to. This is nonsense, but if there
is regulation of how resources, energies, and labor are allocated to
generate outputs, does that regulation reflect the preferences that
both producers and consumers have and especially a full valuation of
the relative contribution to well being and development of different
choices? If it does, then to that extent it includes "money."
The valuations are prices, albeit not necessarily as we have known
them in market and centrally planned systems.
In turn, do
people receive a share of the product? Obviously they must if they
are to survive, much less attain their capacities. So, that being
true, is there any correlation between the share one gets and what
one does as one's work? If not, anyone can take anything, in any
amount, and do no work - which, of course, is absurd, since demand
would exceed supply. If there is a correlation, however, then there
are to that extent "wages" according to some norm, even if
the correlation is due to people collectively and responsibly
establishing their own incomes. In parecon, these are the reasons why
there are "money" and "wages." The task becomes
having this limited money and wages, which is to say valuations and
shares of income, inevitably present in any economy, in accord with
our full aspirations and values.
Money - more importantly,
relative valuations of products and processes - exists in a parecon,
therefore, so that people might make choices in light of full and
true social costs and benefits. Participatory planning facilitates
the determination of true and full values as decided by the self
managing population.
Wages - more importantly, shares of
social product allotted to citizens - exists in a parecon so that, of
course, we can all equitably benefit from the social product, and
specifically so that choices regarding such things as how long people
work, how hard we work, producing what items, and what we justly
consume, can be determined by the population, again, in accord with
true social costs and benefits and, as well, with attaining equitable
outcomes and self management.
I would claim, and the book does
claim, that parecon is not only a serious economy able to meet needs,
develop potentials, incorporate true self management, and be not just
profitless but, beyond that, classless - but is also as close to
having no money and no wages as is possible without incurring immense
damage. That is, it has valuations and it has income shares, like any
economy, but not the pejorative aspects of either - distinguishing it
from all capitalist, market, or centrally planned economies.
Michael
Albert, ZNet / Z Magazine
Reply:
The
gist of your complaint is that, contrary to the claim made in the
review of your book Parecon in the February Socialist
Standard, you maintain that there are no profits in parecon
because "no one earns income based on ownership of any kind.
There are, therefore, no profits - none". But this is only
because you have defined profit as a property income. It's still
there, however, as you admit in your second paragraph above: "...
some plants produce a total value of output greater, and in some
cases much greater, than the total value of their inputs, including
their labour". For profit to exist - or more generally “surplus
value” (rent, interest and profit) - it is not necessary that
these accrue to individuals through their ownership of property.
Profit is simply the difference between expenditure and income and
derives from the unpaid labour of the workers. Profits therefore
existed in the former state-capitalist USSR and exist in the
present-day Vatican - even though there is no individual
ownership.
On page 132 of your book the rate of profit appears
under the guise of "benefit cost ratio":
"Each
round of planning, or iteration, yields a new set of proposed
activities. Taken together, these proposals yield new data regarding
the status of each good, the average consumption per person, and the
average production 'benefit cost ratio' per firm. All this allows for
calculation of new price projections and new predictions for average
income and work, which in turn lead to modifications in proposals
..." http://www.zmag.org/books/pareconv/parefinal.htm
(Chapter 8, subsection: Proceeding From One Proposal To Another)
You
say the "benefit cost ratio" has nothing to do with profit
because the "benefit cost ratio" will only benefit parecon
society as a whole and not any individual. But as we have seen, this
is based on a misunderstanding of what profit means. Moreover, you
also claim on the same page in your book that:
"...workers’
councils whose ratios of social benefits of their outputs to social
costs of their inputs were lower than average would come under
pressure to increase either efficiency or effort..."
Or
go bust, presumably, unless profits were redistributed from workers'
councils with above average ratios. This shows the limits of planning
in “parecon”, for in their planning considerations they
must maintain profit rates. And while planning might be based on past
or current profit rates, profits themselves are inherently
unpredictable and this may scupper plans for the future. There is
also the antagonism between wages and profits. Parecon society would
need to maintain a positive rate of profit or lurch into crisis. This
means that workers could not push up wages to the level that stopped
profits being made, and this again sets definite limits to what can
be planned.
Of course production and consumption will be
regulated in a socialist society. That’s an essential part of
it, but this does not require
recourse to money either as a means of
exchange or for costing products and production. Calculation - and
“costing” - in socialism will take place in kind (in
tonnes of steel, kilowatt-hours of electricity, person-hours of work
and so on) without having to put a monetary value on anything and
everything. Socialist society will decide - through democratic
discussion and from what people indicate they want by what they take
from the common stores - what it needs to satisfy individual and
collective consumption, and to replace and expand (if need be) the
productive apparatus and then will bring together the physical and
human resources to produce this. This will be done in the most
technically efficient way, after taking into account good working
conditions and environmental considerations.
In
implementing the long-standing socialist principle of “from
each according to their ability, to each according to their needs”,
socialist society breaks the link between work done and consumption.
Rather than being “allotted” what to consume as under
“parecon”, people would be able to take from the common
store of wealth set aside for individual consumption what they judged
they needed to live and enjoy life, irrespective of what they had
contributed to production. Every able-bodied person would be expected
to contribute something, but we don’t share your bleak view
that, in this event, not enough would be produced to satisfy people’s
needs (that “demand would exceed supply”, as you put it)
- and that therefore, not just profits, but the wages system too
would have to be retained as a means of both obliging people to work
and of limiting their consumption. Just like under capitalism.
Hence
our original description of “parecon” as “post-capitalist
capitalism”, i.e. not post-capitalism at all. We would be
prepared to refer to it as a “utopian blueprint for an ideal
society” if you prefer.- Editors.
Rejoinder:
By
any definition I have ever encountered, surpluses are not profits per
se, though they may become profits under certain social relations, of
course. Definitions aside, Parecon people's income, in any case, is
not correlated to output, or to revenues minus expenditures, but to
effort expended in socially valued production. No class takes income
based on unpaid workers labor. No one does, other than those infirm
and unable to work, that is. On the other hand, society and each of
its members very much benefits if the total social product per time
worked and inputs used up, is more, rather than less, socially
valuable.
Saying that if a firm produces things of greater
social value than it uses up, that means there are profits and the
system is capitalist, is, honestly, absurd. In any economy, from now
until the sun burns out and beyond, one will want workplaces of
humans to actually generate more worth than they use up, of course.
How the social product is then dispersed among the population is a
very important issue, to be sure. Doing it according to effort,
having also eliminated not only private owners above workers, but a
coordinator class above workers, by balancing job complexes and
instituting self management, is equitable.
Our real difference
is probably best encapsulated in your calling the old Soviet Union
state capitalist, and my saying that since it didn't have private
owners of means of production, and it didn't have markets, but it did
have a ruling economic class composed of those monopolizing
empowering tasks in the economy, it is far more sensibly called not
capitalist, not socialist, but coordinatorist, after its ruling
class.
I share your desire that a future desirable economy
involve workers and consumers cooperatively negotiating economic
activities and their distribution. That is what parecon accomplishes.
Given space limits, I guess for now we just have to agree to disagree
about a lot, beyond that desire, however.
Michael Albert
Reply:
It
is only under capitalism that the social surplus takes the form of a
monetary surplus value and, as you admit, this is what will exist in
“parecon”. And this is what will be the imperative
guiding and limiting its planning decisions. The institutional
changes you advocate (no legal individual ownership of means of
production, self-management, etc.) are inadequate reasons for
claiming that capitalism has been overthrown.
We
agree that the former Soviet Union did have a ruling class, but not
that there were
no
markets there. Even the regime’s ideologists
admitted that there was “commodity-production”, i.e.
production for sale, and that buying and selling relationships
existed between state enterprises. While there was no individual
legal ownership of the main means of production (though there was of
some things: dachas, works of art, state bonds, bank accounts), these
means of production were not owned by society as a whole but
effectively by a class which monopolised them, via the state, and
which lived a privileged life from the surplus value extracted from
the wage-labour of the workers. That is why we think the best
description of that and similar societies was state capitalist.
Your
attitude towards the former Soviet Union is revealing in that it
shows that you had nothing against the continued existence there of
the key features of capitalism that are production for sale, money,
wages, profits, etc but only to the fact that the economic system
involving these was controlled by a privileged ruling class and not
democratically by the workers. “Parecon” is thus revealed
to be the idea of the economic system that existed in Russia
“self-managed” by the workers. A sort of “self-managed
capitalism” that could only exist on paper.
Socialism
will break free from the financial bureaucracy of capitalist
calculation. It will treat people as ends in themselves. It will
produce directly for human needs. It will break the link between
individual effort and individual consumption. That’s what all
those who consider themselves to be anti-capitalist should be aiming
at. - Editors.
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